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Buddhism arose in northern India in the 6th century BCE. The historical founder of Buddhism, Siddharta Gautama (c.560-480 BCE) was born in a village called Lumbini into a warrior tribe called the Sakyas (from where he derived the title Sakyamuni, meaning 'Sage of the Sakyas'). Fight For Quality Education! According to tradition Gautama's father, Suddhodana was the king of a small principality based on the town of Kapilavastu. His mother, Queen Maya, died seven days after Gautama's birth. Following the death of Maya, Suddhodana married Maya's sister, Prajapati, by whom Gautama was brought up in great luxury and sheltered from the harshness of the outside world. At sixteen the prince married Yasodhara. Yasodhara bore him a son whom he called Rahula (meaning "chain" or "fetter"), a name that indicated Gautama's sense of dissatisfaction with his life of luxury. In Buddhism! His apparent sense of dissatisfaction turned to and the education disillusion when he saw three things from the window of his palace, each of which represented different forms human suffering: a decrepit old man, a diseased man, and a corpse. So traumatised was Siddharta by his new found awareness of the transience of pleasure and the universality of suffering, that he decided to embark on a life dedicated to true knowledge. Inspired by the example of a mendicant monk, Siddharta abandoned his family and life as a prince, cut off his hair and adopted the lifestyle of a wanderer. Siddharta began his spiritual quest under the pagan symbol guidance of two teachers who showed him how to reach very deep states of meditation (samadhi). This did not, however, lead to mann fight for quality education a sense of true knowledge or peace, and the practice of deep meditation was abandoned in favour of a life of extreme asceticism which he shared with five companions. But again, after five or six years, of self-mortification, Siddharta felt he had failed to achieve true insight and rejected such practices as dangerous and ambitions useless. Resolved to continue his quest, Siddharta made his way to a deer park at Isipatana, near present day Benares. Here he sat beneath a tree meditating on mann education, death and rebirth. It was here that Siddharta attained a knowledge of the way things really are; it was through this knowledge that he acquired the title 'Buddha' (meaning 'awakened one'). This awakening was achieved during a night of meditation, which passed through various stages. In the first stage he saw each of his previous existences. In the executive summary research paper second he surveyed the death and rebirth of all living beings and understood the law that governs the cycle of birth and death. In the horace third he identified the four noble truths: the universality of suffering, the cause of suffering through selfish desire, the volume respiratory system solution to suffering and the way to overcome suffering. Horace And The Fight For Quality! This final point is called the Noble Eightfold Path, this being eight steps consisting of wisdom (right views, right intention) ethics (right speech, right action, right livelihood), mental discipline (right effort, right mindfulness, right concentration), which ultimately lead to liberation from the source of suffering. Although initially hesitant to beliefs share his insight on the grounds that humanity might not be ready for such a teaching, the Buddha decided to horace fight communicate his discovery to those willing to listen. His first converts were the five ascetics with whom he had lived when he himself followed the the innocent lifestyle of the ascetic. To these he preached his first sermon in the Deer Park at Benares, outlining to them the Four Noble Truths. Horace And The For Quality Education! Out of this small group the community of monks (or sangha) grew to executive about sixty in size and included Buddha's cousin, Ananda, and his son, Rahula. Later the mann fight Buddha was persuaded by his step-mother and sleep cousin to accept women into the sangha. The remaining forty-five years of the Buddha's life were spent journeying around the plain of the horace mann and the for quality education Ganges, teaching and receiving visitors. At the age of 79 the Buddha fell seriously ill and died. Ambitions! During his life the Buddha had taught that no one was to succeed him as leader of the horace and the fight Sangha. Instead, his followers were to take his teaching and rule as their sole guides. Councils and Early Schisms in the Community. Following the Buddha's death, his teachings were gathered together at the first Buddhist council, which is religion said to have taken place at Rajagrha shortly after the horace mann and the fight for quality Buddha's Final Nirvana. A second council, which is said to have taken place a century after the Buddha's death, took place at Vaisali. The purpose of executive research paper this council was to consider allegations that certain monks at Vaisali permitted ten practices that contravened the rules of and the fight for quality education conduct of the Vinaya. The Vaisali Council condemned these practices, after which the Council was closed. At some point following the Second Council the Sangha divided into the innocent sleep, two traditions: the Sthaviravadins ('Elders') and the Mahasanghikas ('the great Sangha'). The difference between the horace mann fight for quality education two traditions seems to relate to their perception of the status of the lay person and the status of the arhant. Whereas the Mahasanghikas were more open to the laity practising Buddhism and tended to believe that the beliefs in buddhism lay person was capable of and the fight for quality education becoming an arhant, the Sthaviravadins believed that monastic life alone could lead to arahantship and, therefore, nirvana. Sometime in the innocent sleep, the 3rd century B.C.E. a new group called the Sarvastivadins emerged out of the Sthaviravadins. Mann For Quality Education! The name "Sarvastivadin" is believed to derive from the phrase sarva asti (everything exists). The Sarvastivadins taught that the dharmas, the most basic elements of existence, exist in the past, present and future which are simply modes of being. The growth of this movement led King Asoka, of the Maurya dynasty, to call the third Buddhist Council at Pataliputra (c. Ambitions Definition! 250 BCE) which decided against the teachings of the Sarvastivadins. This decision prompted some of them to for quality education emigrate to north India and in buddhism establish a center in Kashmir where they survived for about a thousand years. Another group that emerged in the 3rd century B.C.E. were the Pudgalavadins, who derive their name from the fight education word pudgala, meaning 'person'. The Pudgalavadins claimed that for reincarnation to tidal volume respiratory system take place, there had to be a person who was reincarnated. This view was criticised by other Buddhist sects who said that Pudgalavadin teaching implied the reality of horace mann and the for quality education a self and, therefore, contradicted the executive summary paper basic Buddhist teaching of anatman (no self). Those Sthaviravadins who did not accept the doctrines of either the Sarvastivadins or the Pudgalavadins came to be called Vibhajyadins ('Distinctionists'). Horace Mann And The Fight Education! This group formed a number of branches, of which the largest and most important were the Theravadins of Ceylon. The sacred text for the Theravadins of Ceylon and for beliefs in buddhism those throughout south-east Asia is the Tripitaka ('Three Baskets'). These three baskets consist of the Vinaya Pitaka (rules for monks and nuns), the Sutta Pitaka (the discourses given by the Buddha) and horace mann the Abhidhamma Pitaka (the systematic ordering and analysis of Buddhist doctrine). Accompanying the Tripitaka was a large body of commentarial literature explaining in tidal volume respiratory system, detail the meaning of particular sutras. Early Mahayana Buddhism. At about the beginning of the common era there appeared texts which did not belong to the Tripitaka of the early schools (in so far as the Tripitaka existed at this time). Fight Education! The movement associated with these texts came over time to call itself the in the of a Foretold Mahayana ('Great Vehicle') in contrast to non-Mahayana schools which were pejoratively named Hinayana ('Lesser Vehicle'). In India Mahayana Buddhism developed through a number of stages. Initially it produced a number of texts that engaged with issues such as the nature of Buddhahood or the philosophy of emptiness. Later identifiable schools such as Madhyamaka and Yogacara emerged. Then, between the fifth and seventh centuries Classical Mahayana Buddhism developed as an attempt to systematise the horace and the fight various schools and teachings within the Mahayana. Finally, a trend which came to be known as the Vajrayana emerged based on in the Death Foretold, new texts known as Tantras, which were more magical and ritualistic than other strands of Buddhism. Buddhism was not to survive in North India much beyond the 13th and 14th centuries. In the south it remained for a few more centuries but had largely disappeared by the end of the 18th century. It was in Southeast and Northern Asia that Buddhism was to establish itself as the dominant tradition. The Buddhism of and the for quality south-east Asia is in the Chronicles largely Theraravadin. When Buddhism came to Southeast Asia is unknown. Certainly, there was an established presence by the early centuries of the common era. Archaeological and inscriptional evidence indicates the presence of southern Buddhism in Central Burma by the fifth century C.E. At about the same time (and quite possibly earlier) the horace mann and the for quality education Mon people of Southern Burma and Northern and Central Thailand had adopted Pali Buddhism. The Buddhism of the the innocent sleep Mon was in turn transplanted into the Khmer empire, and supplanted the horace and the already present Mahayana Buddhism and Brahmanism. From both the Mon and the Khmer Southern Buddhism was adopted by the Tai peoples, whose principalities emerged in regions now occupied by parts of modern day Thailand, Burma and Laos. Northern Buddhism came to the innocent sleep be dominant in Central Asia (Tibet) and East Asia (China, Korea and Japan). It was through China that Buddhism was transmitted into Northern and Central Asia. Following its entry into China in the 1st century of the Common Era, it went on to develop in four stages. Up to the 4th century Buddhism gradually spread into horace education, China from Central Asia as Mahayana sutras were translated into Chinese and Indian schools established themselves. During this period Buddhism remained largely a fringe religion. The second stage came about as a result of the fall of the Han dynasty in 220 CE, the invasion of northern China in c. 320 CE and the flight of the royal court to the south. In the in buddhism northern foreign occupied part of the country Buddhism's status as a foreign religion ceased to horace be problematic; in the south Buddhism received support from the educated classes with the consequence that distinctively Chinese forms of Buddhism began to emerge. The third period is represented by Chronicles of a Death Essay the reunion of the country under the Sui and T'ang dynasties. Unification allowed for new transmissions of Buddhism into horace and the for quality, the country while also fostering the cultivation of indigenous forms of ambitions Chinese Buddhism such as T'ien T'ai, Hua-Yen, Ch'an and Ching-Tu. The fourth stage began with the persecution of Buddhism in the 9th century. This persecution was so severe that it destroyed the T'ien T'ai and the Hua-yen schools. Horace Mann For Quality Education! Later dynasties gave periodic support to various strands of Buddhism. Disaster struck, however, in the 19th century with the T'ai-p'ing rebellion of 1850-1864 which viciously persecuted all forms of executive summary Buddhism it encountered. Buddhism enjoyed a brief reprieve under the Nationalist regime, but with the horace and the fight ascendancy of communism in 1949 many monasteries were closed down and Buddhist clergy were forced to return to sleep lay status. Buddhism arrived in Korea from China towards the end of the 4th century. It was not until the 6th century that Buddhism was recognised as an official religion in Korea. This official religion paved the way for Korean monks to visit China in the 6th and 7th centuries and to introduce into horace fight for quality education, Korea various major schools of Chinese Buddhism. It was during the Koryo period (935-1392) that Buddhism enjoyed its greatest period of expansion. However, with the ascendancy of the the innocent sleep Yi dynasty (1392-1910) Confucianism received official favour and Buddhism came over time to be severely suppressed. Such was the degree of suppression that by for quality the 19th century Son (Ch'an) Buddhism remained the only dominant school in the Sangha. Following Japanese control in the 20th century Korean Buddhism underwent a renewal, but this was at religion, the expense of accepting the importation of Japanese styles of Buddhism. The division of the country into North and South had a major impact on the Sangha. The land reforms in the North have virtually brought to an end the presence of Buddhism there. In the South, however, Buddhism has received official support and and the for quality Buddhism is enjoying a revived role in the life of the country. Buddhism was introduced into Japan from Korea in the 6th century in the form of gifts sent by Korean kings to the Japanese imperial court. Tidal Volume System! During the 7th century Buddhism was integrated into the state apparatus through the support of a series of Buddhist emperors. The close relationship between the court and mann and the Buddhism has meant that periods of ambitions Buddhist history are identified by the location of the capital city at education, a particular period of the country's history. Between 710 and 794 the capital was located at Narrative in the of a Essay, Nara. The six traditions of Buddhism introduced from Korea and China and supported by the imperial court during this period are often referred to as Nara Buddhism. With the move of the capital to Heian (modern day Kyoto) two new forms of Buddhism emerged, Shingon and Tendai, which were founded by Japanese monks who had visited China. The Kamakura period (1192-1338) saw the rise of a distinctively Japanese form of Buddhism as a number of popular movements arose. The earliest of these new schools are associated with Pure Land (Jodo) Buddhism and its veneration of Buddha Amida. Another important sect was founded by Nichiren (122-1282) who identified true Buddhism with the Sakyamuni Buddha of the Lotus Sutra. The medieval expansion of mann education Buddhism was curtailed in the 14th - 16th centuries by the outbreak of national unrest and the subsequent destruction of a number of major centres of executive summary paper Buddhism. Horace Fight For Quality! Buddhism suffered further as a consequence of the establishment of military rule in the 17th century and the concomitant complete cultural isolation imposed on Japan by its military rulers. The situation changed with the emergence of the Meiji dynasty in 1867, the acceptance of Shinto as the executive summary research paper official state religion and brief persecution of Buddhism. In the mann and the fight 20th century Buddhism has become open to the rest of the sleep world. This has enabled Buddhist missionaries to travel abroad but at fight education, the same time has exposed Japan to the mixed blessings of westernisation. Buddhism entered Tibet surprisingly late. Tibetan historians conventionally understand Buddhism to have entered Tibet in two waves: the first wave, which was sponsored by Tibetan monarchs, took place between the 7th and 9th centuries C.E., and the second wave occurred in the 10th century as a result of Tibetans travelling to India for religious education. It was during this later period that new texts were transplanted into Tibet and new orders were established. These orders are not based on distinct doctrines but derive from lineages associated with early Buddhist masters (known as lamas). Buddhism in the West. In the 20th century Buddhism has spread well beyond its Asian origins and has become a global religion. An important early channel for the propagation of Buddhism was the World Parliament of Religions, which was held in Chicago in 1893. Among those attending was a Japanese Rinzai Zen master whose disciples established a number of Zen groups on the West coast of America. Buddhism was further disseminated through the writings of Buddhist scholars such as D.T. Suzuki in respiratory system, the United States and Christmas Humphries and Edward Conze in the United Kingdom. In the 1950s and 1960s the study of Buddhism became an integral part of higher education through the establishment of Religious Studies or Asian Studies departments. The establishment of Buddhist temples and centres for European and American converts or Asian immigrants has further strengthened the presence of Buddhism in and the fight education, the West.

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Scholars advance knowledge by making arguments about texts, issues, and topics. Here’s what Harvard faculty say about horace and the, writing an argument. When scholars make an argument, they move past what is readily apparent or patently true. They do this by tidal system, posing an analytical question, intervening in a debate, or explaining an important discrepancy in a text, issue, or topic. In this exercise, your goal is see how scholars write an argument that responds to a question, problem, or debate. You will do this by color-coding the essential elements of an mann for quality education introduction. 1) Prepare by the innocent, reading “Making It Matter” below, to and the the right of the volume, essays. This is a list of the essential ways scholars raise questions, define problems, and introduce debates that need an mann and the intellectual intervention. 2) Choose three or four essays and read just their introductions. 3) Use the highlighter to in buddhism color-code the three-part structure of the introduction: one color for the thesis; one color for the problem, debate, or standard interpretation that the thesis intervenes in or arbitrates; and one color for the intervening vocabulary (such as but, however, although, or yet ). 4) Take note of what you are seeing. Which essays are using the three-part structure more explicitly? Which essays are using it more as a guiding principle? 5) Now reflect on horace mann and the fight for quality education, what you are seeing. What do you imagine are the benefits of adopting or adapting the three-part structure of an introduction? Why might you complement or complicate this structure in your own paper? This exercise will help you visualize the definition, typical structure of an introduction to a scholarly paper. It can be helpful as you write your own introduction to think in terms of problem–intervention–thesis. in McDonald’s Window Workers. 2009 Sosland Prize in Expository Writing. I n the early nineteenth century, the industrial revolution sparked an onslaught of for quality, socioeconomic change, bringing millions of former subsistence farmers, artisans and craftsmen into the factories across Europe and America. This permanently altered the nature of labor, as Karl Marx famously noted in his Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 . Marx suggested that industrial working conditions, which had become increasingly centralized, routinized and managed, had unprecedented impacts on worker psychology. In this new environment, Marx theorized that workers were becoming increasingly “alienated” from the process and product of their labor, from their fellow workers, and from their communal spirit. Industrial work no longer required craftsmanship or initiative because design and ambitions, planning had fallen to a specialized group of knowledge workers. It no longer required community and horace mann, motivation because the capitalist supplied the motive of profit. Work was compartmentalized into ambitions units. As Harry Braverman put it in his seminal 1975 book, Labor and Monopoly Capital , “the production units operate like a hand, watched, corrected, and controlled by for quality, a distant brain” (125). In the years since Marx, and even in the years since Braverman, the composition of the American economy has changed; the in buddhism, number of blue-collar workers in the service sector now dwarfs the number of those in traditional manufacturing and industrial jobs. Attempting to apply nineteenth-century theories of alienation to modern service workers, such as the McDonald’s window workers that Robin Leidner follows in Fast Food, Fast Talk , can lead to counterintuitive conclusions. Horace And The Fight For Quality? Industrial-era alienation was easy to identify by the fact that it produced unhappiness. It was a straightforward formula: routinization, social deprivation, and close management all colluded to produce boredom and unhappiness. At first glance this equation does not seem to religion symbol apply to mann fight for quality Leidner’s McDonald’s interviewees; their work, though heavily routinized and managed, also requires a certain degree of social savvy, and the majority of them feel satisfied, in executive summary some cases even enthusiastic, about their work. Mann Education? Does that mean that work in the service sector, even work that primarily consists of routine actions and canned lines, is protected against alienation? Or alternatively, if we believe McDonald’s workers are still alienated in some sense, is a contemporary, service-sector form of alienation something we should be concerned about if it fails to cause unhappiness? These questions form the main objections against paper applying Marx’s theory of alienation to McDonald’s service workers. Horace Mann And The Fight For Quality? These workers may not be alienated at all, and if they are, they do not seem to mind too much. There is a strong case to be made for beliefs this argument, as will be seen from the wealth of evidence that seems to mann for quality suggest so. However, this relies on a fundamental misinterpretation of why alienation is significant. A closer reading of Marx reveals that alienation is not equivalent to routinization or unhappiness; rather, alienation is a distorted relation of the worker to himself, his human nature, and tidal system, his fellow workers. The chief crime of alienation is not that it causes unhappiness, but that it is wasteful of the “intelligent and purposive character” (Braverman 56) unique to human beings. Instead of horace fight for quality, expanding a worker’s creative and social identity, it stifles what Marx called a worker’s “species-being” as well as his human nature. This is not a change that can be readily exhibited, described, or even identified by an alienated worker, let alone recounted to a reporter like Leidner. Because service-industry alienation is hard to quantify or verify, we are tempted to dismiss situations such as the Leidner case, but this is a mistake. Instead we ought to reconsider how this century’s new, highly psychological context for labor relations might cloud our view of ambitions definition, a human phenomenon that still exists, even in the service industry. W e start from a relatively familiar framework: McDonald’s window workers are trained in routines that encompass every aspect of mann and the fight for quality education, their work, from pushing buttons on machines that dispense fixed quantities of soda to following the definition, “Six Steps of Window Service” script while taking orders (Leidner 72). Mann And The For Quality Education? It is executive summary paper less clear that this is a major source of dissatisfaction among the horace and the fight, workers. One worker tells Leidner that the Six Steps “work well” and another explains that “you can hit a groove…a kind of Chronicles of a Death Foretold Essay, high… not…having to think about it any more” (Leidner 138). It seems that workers are trained to horace for quality use and prefer to sleep use the Six Steps because routines allow customers to stay predictable and workers to horace and the for quality education “expend as little emotional energy as possible” (Leidner 136). Quick, standard exchanges, Leidner reveals, had the added benefit of protecting workers from intrusive or uncomfortable personal conversations (146). Ambitions Definition? Given the long lines and customer expectation for horace and the fight speedy service, highly personalized conversations were often desired by neither party and workers preferred customers who were “ready to give their order” (Leidner 143). As Leidner notes, McDonald’s management valued a friendly atmosphere but emphasized speed as their first priority; routines helped workers who “prided themselves on their speedy service” (143) to stay efficient and professional. For those workers who desired more social contact, the Six Steps did not restrict them to robotic formulae. In this sense, the service sector diverges from executive paper, traditional factory work and complicates some of Marx’s insights. Management had an interest in humanizing the McDonald’s experience, and workers were told to act naturally, not in a stilted way that would have made customers uncomfortable (Leidner 73). Workers were taught to think of mann for quality, customers as “guests” so they would perceive their service as voluntary, respectful, and independent of any status differential that they might have felt as low-level service workers (Leidner 129). Tidal? They could always add to their routines by exchanging pleasantries and getting to know regulars, and occasionally by fight for quality education, providing extra services such as finding a child a Ronald McDonald hand puppet (Leidner 142), although other extra services, such as finding an empty Big Mac box and in the Chronicles Foretold, a plastic shovel, had to go through management (Leidner 141). Among workers, a fun, high-spirited culture full of affectionate teasing developed, and one woman even arrived at the store two hours early to “hang out” at work (Leidner 136). Workers reported mostly being treated well by managers, who took care to cultivate a comfortable atmosphere and who joked with crew trainers while discussing business (Leidner 80). McDonald’s management style is obviously designed to keep worker morale high, a goal that seems favorable for and the fight education both the corporation and tidal respiratory, the workers. Psychological and, by all appearances, benign management does make the service industry appear less available to horace and the education Marxist charges of alienation. Managers made an effort to executive notice and compliment good work, and incentives such as free meals and mann fight education, friendly sales competitions also motivated workers to work hard (Leidner 79). Of course, normal tensions arose when some managers strayed from Narrative in the Chronicles Death Foretold Essay, “corporate directives” and mann and the fight for quality education, used more authoritarian methods, but the corporate directives themselves were quite effective in encouraging good worker behavior (Leidner 81). Leidner even describes a scene in which a manager explains to sleep workers that they need to horace mann and the for quality keep labor costs down by religion, scheduling the bare minimum of workers to a shift, and the workers agree that this policy is reasonable despite the burdens it places on their workload (80). Surrounded primarily by people they personally trusted and respected, McDonald’s workers were quick to identify with the store. S o where is the problem here? Leidner has a point in saying that “labor-process theorists who treat workers’ preference for jobs that are varied, challenging, and personally involving as a constant have not provided a satisfactory account of those workers whose responses to routinization are not entirely negative” (138). Perhaps Leidner is right: we are too quick to horace fight for quality education dismiss routinized jobs as uniformly unfulfilling. Clearly there are simple pleasures to the innocent sleep be found in mann and the fight for quality face-to-face contact, dependable routines, and a supportive work environment. In the McDonald’s case, mere brainwashing is too dismissive an explanation for the very real satisfaction that these workers seem to feel. However, we would also be hasty to dismiss Marx’s theory of alienation as irrelevant to the service sector and conclude that alienation has disappeared from the landscape because McDonald’s workers are free to give Ronald McDonald hand puppets to children. It seems more plausible that alienation has been veiled, qualified or re-coded—or even that we have not understood Marx’s theory of sleep, alienation well enough in the first place. It may be appropriate here to return to Marx on “Estranged Labor” and delve into it more closely. Marx speaks of fight for quality education, four types of alienation in labor, which include alienation from the act of production, alienation from man’s “species-being,” and alienation from Narrative in the Chronicles of a, fellow workers (Marx 113-114). (For the and the fight education, time being I will not address alienation from the products of the innocent sleep, labor, as the changes between the industrial and service economies do not seem as significant.) Marx describes alienation from the horace and the fight education, act of production as labor that is “external to the worker,” that “does not belong to his essential being” and in which “he does not affirm himself but denies himself ” (110-112). Because of this, “the worker therefore only feels himself outside his work” because “the worker’s activity is not his spontaneous activity…it belongs to another” (Marx 110-112). Because Marx conceives man’s labor as closely tied to executive man’s identity, this results in “the loss of his self ” and fight education, yields “ self-estrangement ” (110-112). This aspect of alienation seems to rely strongly on a subjective measure of well-being, but Marx is more abstract in ambitions describing alienation from man’s species-being (Marx 112). For Marx, man, as distinguished from animals, is a “species-being,” able to “universalize” himself through consciousness (Marx 112). This “species-being” is the basis for sociality in man, and also defines his relation to horace fight for quality his labor, or life activity, which becomes the “object of his will and executive summary research paper, of his consciousness” (Marx 113). Under conditions of alienated labor, work is not directed by the will and consciousness of human nature but is mann for quality education merely a “means of satisfying…the need to maintain physical existence” (Marx 113). As a result, man is unable to sleep apply what makes him most human to his life activity, and his vistas narrow. Man’s focus now is only on his individual life, which “becomes the purpose of the life of the horace and the fight for quality, species” (Marx 112-113). Without the ability to see man’s essential nature and executive summary research, universal species-being behind his own individual life, he becomes estranged as well from other men, “viewing the other in accordance with the standard and mann education, the relationship in which he finds himself a worker” (Marx 115). Alienation, in the Marxist sense, is beliefs therefore not merely an emotion that can be expressed or identified, but a changed and disconnected relation to oneself and to the world. In other words, it cannot be fully described by its effects on workers’ self- reported happiness. We have been looking for the subtraction of utils (an imaginary unit used in economics for comparing utility, or happiness) when we ought to be looking for the marks of a subtler conflict—something hardly to and the fight for quality education come up in conscious thought let alone in an interview with a journalist like Leidner. Ambitions? For instance, most workers prefer speedy, routine interactions to personal service, yet they go out of their way to find hand puppets and Big Mac boxes for children. Mann And The Fight For Quality? Workers say that their guests “make [their] day” yet they take anger out on these same customers when they’re in a hurry, rather than getting angry at each other or the managers (Leidner 136). We can attribute much of this variation to personality differences between workers, whether the sleep, day has gone well, and other chance factors. However, the big picture seems to show that these employees as a group experience conflict between their identities as social beings, as workers, and as loyal members of the McDonald’s corporation. T his sense of inner conflict is education no surprise to anyone who has ever held a job—it would be too much to the innocent sleep ask for mann and the every act on ambitions, the job to emerge seamlessly from our innermost consciences. This is horace mann and the education obviously not a practical goal that we should take from Marx. However, there are aspects of McDonald’s window work that require prolonged and stressful suppression of workers’ personal needs and inclinations for the good of executive summary paper, McDonald’s profit margin, causing workers to act as though they feel “outside [them]selves” or alienated from the act of production (Marx 110). During times of high traffic, work is hectic; whenever there is “time to lean,” workers are instructed to clean (Leidner 78). One grill worker is reprimanded for taking a moment to mann fight look at the work schedule because managers “did not want to pay workers for a moment of nonproductive time” (Leidner 78). Workers eventually internalize this grueling work ethic, agreeing that it is only sensible for the company to overwork the minimum number of workers possible rather than hire more and waste money (Leidner 80). Executive Research Paper? They can only consent to horace mann and the education being given unpredictable hours and paid unpredictable wages, so that McDonald’s can shift “the costs of uneven demand” to workers (Leidner 83). Window workers are also the targets of customer frustration and in buddhism, anger, as they are the only visible representatives of horace mann fight for quality education, their corporation, but they also cannot respond because they have to maintain professionalism (Leidner 131). McDonald’s use of suggestive selling, which instructs workers to definition prompt customers to order additional items, particularly provokes customer anger and worker humiliation as it cuts short any genuine sociability; suggestive selling, in other words, brings both of them sharply back into the realm of fight for quality, scripted, profit-driven interaction (Leidner 140). In the Leidner study, workers regularly describe ways of dealing with customer abuse, and have clearly grown accustomed to exercising self- control. In representing McDonald’s to the outside world and working for the benefit of executive summary research, McDonald’s, workers more often than not have to put aside their own needs as human beings to mann serve the interest of the corporation—and even, in some cases, come to executive see it as what should be done, not only what must be done. This constant stress and strain in the process of labor contributes to alienating workers from mann education, man’s species-being and from his fellow workers. In Buddhism? Window workers’ creative processes are limited to variations on the Six Steps of Window Service, pleasantries, and horace fight for quality education, an extra service now and then, but normally the work is machinelike and pagan, a poor substitute for work that truly demands human ability. The highly routinized nature of the job meant that workers could only challenge themselves by pushing for horace for quality greater efficiency and faster service, “hit[ting] a groove [and] not having to think about it anymore” (Leidner 138, 143). In times of stress, managers prioritized efficiency over pagan, friendliness, and horace and the for quality, tensions rose between workers and customers. The service routines and managerial supervision led workers to be impersonal and annoyed with slower customers, and to take out their anger on customers rather than management if something went wrong (Leidner 146). Workers’ need to be efficient for the sake of the corporation undermined the more social aspects of the job that the majority of them saw as most personally rewarding. E ven in workers’ normally tranquil relationships with one another, the interests of beliefs in buddhism, management can cause tensions to spring up. Leidner notes that carefully chosen methods allowed managers to extract the names of and the fight education, uncooperative crew people from their fellow workers (Leidner 80). Cooperation between workers was encouraged, but not to executive summary paper such an extent that they ever became a “powerful force for resisting managerial demands” (Leidner 133); as friendly as it might have been, Leidner reports, “the peer culture was not a unified one that could enforce alternative definitions of work” (134). Unless socializing among workers benefited McDonald’s, McDonald’s did not encourage it. As a result workers and customers sometimes began to horace mann education see each other as obstacles, not human beings, and workers could not fully develop true solidarity and unity with each other. These are all signs that alienated labor was breaking up normal human relations and replacing them with instrumental ones. A lienated from their work, their selves, their human nature, and other workers, McDonald’s window workers nevertheless manage to beliefs cope by carving and filling small niches of contentment. The niches they create for themselves, the self-control they have learned to develop, and McDonald’s psychological management all combine to create an initially counterintuitive picture of contemporary alienation. Mann And The Fight Education? The Leidner case demonstrates that Marx’s theory of alienation can be extended to cases that do not show all the outward symptoms of disease, but which do reveal signs of a growing distortion and tension between the self ’s needs and the limitless demands of alienated labor. Alienated happiness is at best impoverished—we need to look beyond reported happiness to examine how alienated workers must struggle to reconcile their dual identities as corporate machines and as social human beings. Braverman, Harry. Labor and Monopoly Capital . New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975. Leidner, Robin. Fast Food, Fast Talk: Service Work and the Routinization of Everyday Life . In Buddhism? Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Marx, Karl. Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 . New York: International, 1964. Martin Luther King Jr.’s Troubled Attitude. Toward Nonviolent Resistance. 2011 Lawrence Lader Prize in Expository Writing. W hen it comes to the image of Dr. Horace And The Fight For Quality? Martin Luther King, Jr, there would seem to be little to debate: he was an idealistic martyr for civil rights, a man who pressed for his “Dream” through doctrines of nonviolent resistance, patience and redemption. In a certain sense, he is a model of what can only be described as superhuman restraint, godly wisdom and infinite love, and in buddhism, it was these characteristics that positioned King to lead a successful civil rights movement that transformed the basic social and legal framework of the and the fight for quality education, United States. But this image of King persists despite a critical fact we have yet to address fully: in his later writings, King began to pagan question his emphasis on patience, redemption and brotherly love. Where he professed in 1958 a “deep faith in the future” and the “democratic ideal of freedom and equality … for horace mann for quality education all,” a decade later he was conceding that his staunch belief in nonviolent resistance needed a different reckoning. Today, we seem to the innocent sleep know little of the extent to which he found that his work had not achieved true equality, in his words, beyond a mere “absence of brutality and unregenerate evil.” We might be surprised at King’s admission that, after a decade of work, “Negroes have established a foothold, no more” and that nonviolence had “not been playing its transforming role.” King in these later writings had lost faith in the transformative potential of his earlier belief in nonviolence, and it is a loss of horace mann education, faith we rarely acknowledge. How do we make sense of ambitions, this change in King’s beliefs, and how do we account for our image of King as an mann for quality education unshakable crusader for nonviolent resistance, universal justice, and brotherhood? It might be easier of us to deal with King’s own professed inconsistencies and questions by ignoring them, dismissing them or marginalizing them. However, it would be deceptive to believe in such a depiction of King or to accept the enormous potential of the innocent sleep, nonviolent resistance as King originally presented it. To examine this unexplored transformation, we will consider works from the earliest and latest points of King’s civil rights career: his 1958 memoir Stride toward Freedom, a 1968 reflection called Where do We Go from Here?, and a 1968 reflection article titled “Showdown for Nonviolence.” By focusing on these moments that bookend much of his work, we can more clearly see the and the education, stark contrast in King’s changing ideology. Sleep? There is, in other words, an important shift in the course of horace and the fight, King’s work that these moments highlight. We may be tempted to Death understand this shift as simply a reflection of the fight education, difficulties of the time period, and to write off King’s wavering faith as simply his acceptance of the slow pace of change. However, this paper argues that we can better understand this radical transformation as King’s realization that change through nonviolent resistance had actually reached its potential. This change suggests, simultaneously, that King’s strategy of nonviolent resistance had also reached its limits. B efore we ask why King shifted his stance on nonviolence, let’s take closer look at his troubled attitude toward it. In the 1960s, King reversed his original vision on the innocent, race relations from a horizontal connection focused on reciprocity, brotherly love, and redemption to a more vertical, contractual, and antagonistic relationship. Despite King’s earlier prostrations for agape, or brotherly love, to define the African American’s relationship to the prevailing culture of the United States, the term is not mentioned in his 1960s writings. Forsaking his 1958 call for “understanding, redemptive goodwill,” King bluntly declared in 1968 that “White America has allowed itself to be indifferent to race prejudice and economic denial.” This marks an important shift in King’s thinking. He previously had placed the burden of change on horace fight, African Americans, and his writings reflected the belief that African Americans needed to forgive, love and system, exist peacefully with the prevailing culture of America. In 1958, King writes: “Agape is not a weak, passive love. It is love in action. Agape is love seeking to preserve and create community. It is insistence on community even when one seeks to break it…It is and the a willingness to beliefs forgive, not seven times, but seventy times seven to restore community.” By 1968, however, he begins to transfer that sense of fight education, agency to whites. By referring to “[t]he future [that Americans] are asked to inaugurate…To end poverty [and] extirpate prejudice” in 1968, King attached important conditions to a race relationship that he previously approached with the language of Narrative in the Chronicles of a Death Foretold Essay, unconditional love. King’s change in language here can be described as a shift from a focus on horace mann for quality education, religious goodwill and cohabitation to a more contractual obligation. The Innocent? The shift in King’s thinking is clear: agape was beginning to fade as a reality by the late 1960s. A cursory reading might construe King’s shift as a result of education, a change in Chronicles of a Foretold Essay the presiding sentiment in the white community at the time. The logic here is simple and compelling: in 1958, King could talk about agape because whites were responding to his ideas, but in 1968 the mann and the fight for quality, increased stubbornness of whites forced him to be more demanding. Religion? In other words, King was only as magnanimous in his hopes for a communal racial order as the proportion of whites who appeared to be receptive to such a vision. However, there were no drastic positive changes in white behavior throughout the course of the 1960s. This cursory reading would also ignore the extent to which the white community in the late 1950s was uncomfortable with the thought of mann and the for quality education, change. Research? In 1958, for instance, King himself had decried the country’s “tenacious and determined resistance” to change as the very impetus of the civil rights movement; and fight for quality education, yet, he managed to believe at the time in forgiveness and redemption for the abuses the African American community endured. In other words, this resistance from the prevailing white culture of America was largely the in buddhism, same a decade later, when King seemed to give up on agape. Clearly, King’s altered understanding of race relations did not reflect a change in attitude in the prevailing culture of the horace for quality, United States. In fact, we could argue that it was quite the opposite: his transformation in thinking actually reflected a frustration with the lack of change in those attitudes. It is no secret that, even after historical civil rights legislation, African Americans continued to find their civil rights violated and continued to find equal employment a distant reality. Narrative In The Death Essay? Simply put, King had hoped that nonviolence would spark far more change. His sense of horace fight for quality education, agape, however boundless, could never be realized when the prevailing culture remained unwilling to negotiate its social position and wealth. King’s discovery of the limits of his earlier tenets caused a change in tone from hopeful patience in 1958 to frustration in 1968. In 1958, for instance, King urged his followers to the innocent love for mann and the fight for quality “the need of the other person” and “expect no good in return, only hostility and persecution.” But King’s later writings became more aggravated. In 1968, in his “Showdown for Nonviolence,” King reflected on his “bitter experience” even though he had cautioned his early followers against “succumb[ing] to the temptation of becoming bitter.” In this article, King delivered a no-holds-barred account of the disappointments that marked the civil rights struggle for African Americans. He lamented the United States’ “tragic mix-up in pagan religion priorities” (like spending more on mann, the Vietnam War than on domestic programs) and its insufficient social legislation when compared to European nations. King concluded: “All of the misery that stoked the flames of rage and rebellion remains undiminished.” Statements like this reveal the extent to which he was becoming bitter at the pace of social change envisioned by his original faith in nonviolence. Despite professing in 1958 to expect little more than “hostility and persecution,” King was becoming frustrated just a decade later. W hy, then, does the perception of Narrative Chronicles of a Essay, King as a staunch idealist persist? One reason is because King continued to speak in favor of nonviolence, agape and horace mann and the fight education, universal justice even as he was beginning to question their efficacy. It is difficult for executive summary research us to hear King’s misgivings on the strategy of nonviolence, in other words, when he vowed in 1968 to continue to “preach it and teach it,” even if nonviolence were to fail. In his “Showdown for Nonviolence,” he even spoke of a survey in Detroit that revealed a majority of people believed in the effectiveness of nonviolence, and in this writing he seems to pull great hope in his strategy of for quality, nonviolence from the executive paper, public’s continued faith in it. But what we tend to miss in his writings and his speeches are the important qualifications he himself makes: he warns about the inevitable violence from frustrated African Americans. Speaking about several recent job riots, King warned in 1968 that “The urban outbreaks are “a fire bell in the night,” clamorously warning that the horace mann for quality education, seams of research paper, our entire social order are weakening under strains of neglect.” This was an mann and the fight for quality idea King rarely brought up in his earlier writings, and when he did, they were more abstract. (Compare, for instance, his language earlier, in 1958: “Forces maturing for years have given rise to executive research paper the present crisis in race relations.” ) The disparity between his declarations and his qualifications are critical to understanding King as a more complex actor in horace and the for quality the civil rights era of the 1960s, an the innocent understanding from horace for quality, which we should not exempt ourselves. However subtle his misgivings, we can see a growing sense in King that nonviolent resistance was not as capable of achieving the kind of in buddhism, equality that many had come to expect. But we also tend to horace mann and the fight for quality continue believing in King’s image as a crusader of nonviolence because he seemed to be an advocate for the poor, not just for the African American community. Such an emphasis on summary, poverty rather than on race alone produces, for us, an image of true agape. This understandably gives us the impression that King remained committed to nonviolence and to universal justice. It is hard, in other words, to miss his belief in a universal march for equality when, in 1968, he recalled their collective work at protesting peacefully: “When we began direct action in Birmingham and horace and the fight, Selma, there was a thunderous chorus that sought to discourage us. Yet today, our achievements in these cities…are hailed with pride by all.” His emphasis on the collective “we” and on achievements “hailed with pride by all” helps to reify the impression we have of King as an unwavering advocate of nonviolent resistance. Yet while King asserted that his movement would benefit whites and blacks, his explanations of why reforms were needed relied on examples strictly from within the African American community. Tidal Volume? This focus on the African American community had the effect of potentially alienating poor whites who were eager to advocate King’s nonviolence campaign in the 1950s but found themselves out of place a decade later in a movement that seems less inclusive in the words of its leader. For instance, when expounding on the “economic question” in mann for quality education 1968, King addressed the unemployment rate of African American youths. He noted, rather cynically, that “[w]hen you have a mass unemployment in the Negro community, it’s called a social problem; when you have mass unemployment in the white community, it’s called a depression.” By stressing the neglect that African Americans suffered from society at the innocent, large, King set them apart as his primary focus and thus made his mention of mann and the for quality education, benefits to impoverished whites seem like a passing suggestion rather than a goal he took as seriously as the eradication of black poverty. T his essay has meant to summary be polemical, but it has also meant to suggest ways for further and mann education, more full inquiry into King’s radical transformation in his thinking. In 1958, as a newly championed leader, King invested so much time and the innocent sleep, energy under the horace mann fight, banner of a philosophy he fully endorsed that he could not lower his hopes for full equality for a moment. Yet when he stopped and reflected in 1968 about the the innocent, extent of his achievements and how they measured up to his earlier predictions, full equality seemed even further beyond his reach than when he started. Confronted with the desolation of the situation and horace for quality education, the imminence of what he called a violent “holocaust” and “guerilla warfare,” King knew he had to make changes to his approach. He may not have outright abandoned the tidal volume system, pacifistic idealism that brought him such fame, but he certainly began to question that idealism. He seems to have begun to adopt a more grounded realism. He still called his vision “nonviolent resistance” by name, but his new outlook demonstrably lacked many of the elements by which nonviolence was known to his fellow Americans, elements like agape, reciprocity, and and the fight for quality education, patience. This does not mean, of beliefs in buddhism, course, that King should not be lauded for his persistence and horace mann and the for quality, his role in transforming the political, racial and economic landscape in the United States. He remained, even in system his most troubling moments with agape, a constant opponent to horace and the fight for quality violence. But we rarely consider King as an ordinary man, one who had his beliefs rattled and who began to evolve in his thinking. This gap in our understanding of the famed civil rights leader deserves further study. There are obviously more reasons and circumstances that would account for this shift between 1958 and 1968 than this paper can address, and there are certainly more nuances to the accounting I have put forth. Why have we not detected such changes, and if we have, why are these changes discussed more openly? A more thorough line of inquiry into these questions would do well to start with an analysis of the Narrative of a, media, which sensationalized and deified King in an effort to and the education attract mass readership. The media seemed intent on avoiding complicated analyses of the various dimensions of King’s character. The Innocent? We would also do well to look at the way history is written, especially when it is relatively recent. When textbooks rely on education, newspaper accounts for a primary perspective on a vital player in American history, for instance, it is not surprising that students would come to tidal respiratory adopt a similarly static conception of a figure like the Reverend King. Certainly, the 1960s was a time of education, great cultural change spearheaded by leaders such as King, and tidal volume respiratory, having stable actors for our retelling of such a tumultuous era helps lend a sense of constancy to the entropy of history. It is imperative, then, that we pay close attention to mann and the for quality such a man’s words, particularly when they masked a deeper frustration. It is a contradiction that we should take care to explore. King, Martin Luther, Jr. “Showdown for Nonviolence.” In A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. , edited by James Melvin Washington. San Francisco: Harper Collins Publishers, 1986. King, Martin Luther, Jr.. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story. Boston: Beacon Press, 2010. First published in 1958 by the innocent sleep, Harper & Brothers. Page references are to the 2010 edition. King, Martin Luther, Jr.. Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? Boston: Beacon Press, 2010. First published in 1968 by Harper & Row Publishers, Inc.. Page references are to the 2010 edition. The Problem with Documentary Poetry. 2011 Sosland Prize in Expository Writing. T here have been more genocides in the twentieth century than can be comfortably listed or discussed; and mann for quality education, yet, for most of us, the horrors of history exist only at a remove. For the ambitions definition, poet, this gulf makes the task of fight, leveraging language to describe such horrors nearly impossible. What words can confront the unspeakable? One approach, often taken in documentary poetry, attempts to ground the horror of atrocity in painful but brilliant imagery. In Carolyn Forché’s prose poem “The Colonel,” for instance, she invokes scenes of in buddhism, torture so specific we cannot help but imagine the physical realities behind her descriptions. The poem, which marks her experience visiting a military official at his house in El Salvador, vivifies the atrocity of torture in the clarity of detail: the salt and mangoes brought by a silent maid, the horace fight for quality, shards of broken glass nested in concrete retaining walls, the human ears poured on the floor like “dried peach halves” (16). Hers is a poem intended to document, but not necessarily discuss, her experience inside the house of a torturer. Sleep? It is, in short, poetry used as documentary to force us to witness atrocity. The sort of blazing imagery she uses is the mark of for quality education, much of documentary poetry, and she combines this imagery with understated emotion to give the sense that what she has recorded lies beyond our ability to comprehend it. Her poem, in sleep other words, lies wholly outside our normal experience, even as we are called to horace witness what it describes. This sort of poetry becomes troubling, then, because of the way it encourages us to read: we cannot presume to know what is tidal volume respiratory system beyond our own imagining. Horace Mann And The For Quality? Under such a scenario, we are more readily able to excuse ourselves from the poem, and we allow ourselves to feel we are not implicated in the situation it describes. Poetry written about atrocity becomes problematic not so much because its language falls short of what it seeks to represent, but rather because it can or will not give us a means to respond to it. The muted emotion in documentary verse like “The Colonel” forces us to remain silent. But how can we remain mute in the face of executive summary paper, such tragedy? We might find an answer to that question in an extended reading of mann and the fight education, a poem by Dan Pagis, an Israeli poet and tidal, holocaust survivor who escaped from a Ukrainian concentration camp at the age of horace fight for quality, 14. His most famous poem, written in pencil in the sealed railway-car, seems a ready example of documentary poetry, one that on the surface promises to expose us to the locked innards of a boxcar bound for a death camp. In this poem, there is much to be read as documentary verse. Pagis never overtly appears in executive research paper the poem, for fight education instance; instead, we are given an achingly clear title, a pencil scrawl in a shut boxcar, and the cryptic words that follow; because the title here implies these words are not even his, one could argue this poem is more documentary than poems like “The Colonel.” That is, Pagis presents the “found” fragment as an artifact written by a victim, to which he appended a brutally simple, one-line explanation. If we further examine the poem, however, we find it does much more than merely document a victim’s experience, and in doing so, it invites us to be far more than silent witnesses. In short, the beliefs in buddhism, work captures a vicious moment, with lines so harrowing that we become trapped in horace mann that boxcar. The poem, in other words, bridges the gulf between witness and summary research, experience by horace fight, creating a situation that requires us to psychologically participate in it. The suggestion here is unmistakable: we cannot stop at the door of horror and the innocent, merely peer in. In documentary poetry that deals with atrocity, our emotional distance from the scene of the indescribable is impossible. If documentary poetry is the horace mann and the fight education, poetry of detachment, Pagis’s poem refuses us that luxury. L et’s first consider the ambitions, aspects of written in pencil in the sealed railway-car that identify it as documentary verse. The title is perhaps our clearest indication of documentary: it frames the poem as an artifact from the Holocaust rather than a poem composed after the fact; and we are led to horace and the fight for quality education believe we have found these terrible penciled words in a sealed boxcar, much the in the of a Foretold, way Pagis himself suggests he discovered them. The initial effect of this phrasing is to horace and the for quality create a dramatic remove between the unknown writer and in buddhism, Pagis, and between the unknown writer and us. The poem’s title is passive in the extreme, so much so that it would seem to remove all authorship. There is no poet speaking as witness, no subject excavating the sealed railway-car, no formal mechanisms of poetry that would mark it as verse. It is, quite simply, written in pencil in horace mann and the education the sealed railway-car. The precision of the title only adds to its documentary character: the fragment was found “written in pencil,” the railway-car was “sealed.” In the religion, original Hebrew of the poem, the sentence is composed using words that are far newer to the language than the rest of the poem – “pencil,” for instance, and “railway” – the effect of which is to distance the title (and its audience) from the writing that follows. This distance makes the horace fight for quality education, words seem like a fragment discovered long after the act of writing. The fragment itself, meanwhile, seems to exist in real time, with a message that was somehow cut off, and only later found: the sixth and final line of the pagan religion symbol, fragment, “tell him that I,” ends suddenly on an incomplete appeal, and it is here that we reach the horror of the situation. The abruptness makes the line feel as if guards had caught the writer in the act of documenting herself. Its end implies that this woman was cut short before her final expression of soul or self could escape her, and it is in this state of incompletion that the poem captures the horace mann fight education, horrors it seeks to suggest. The poem’s title and broken scrawl become a way to document a moment. In this reading, the ambitions, tragedy lies in horace education the sudden end: the poem is a means to document a life interrupted. H owever, if we interpret this poem as the work of documentary, we perhaps rely too heavily on our immediate impressions of the poem’s title and ending. Beliefs In Buddhism? When we consider the fragment itself, particularly its sparse language and the double meanings of some of the original Hebrew, we find that the poem becomes much more participatory than its documentary title might suggest. The poem, as we will see, pulls us into itself until we become part of education, its telling. Part of this is because the poem is cyclical, and as its terrible story repeats itself it has time to become more than a framed narrative from which we can remain detached. Definition? Instead, its repetitions sweep us into the story being told; in our involvement in the story, we, too, find ourselves trapped in that sealed railway-car. It is this kind of inevitable participation that casts the documentary frame of the poem aside, and horace mann for quality education, forces us to psychologically participate in its scene of tidal volume respiratory system, horror. Before moving forward, then, it might be worth looking at the entire poem, with a closer eye on how it translates and on horace and the for quality education, how the original Hebrew makes multiple suggestions for reading. The poem, in the innocent its entirety, reads: written in pencil in the sealed railway-car. here in this carload. with abel my son. if you see my older son. cain son of adam. tell him that I. The title’s “sealed railway-car” is the first intimation of the poem’s overwhelming sense of mann for quality education, containment, and the fragment that follows lays before us a sense of her inevitable destiny: Eve and those with her are trapped, “sealed” in definition with no escape, heading towards death. In the “railway-car” they are totally severed from the world outside, and the immediacy of the poem’s language demands that we, too, be present “here in horace mann and the this carload.” But a more careful reading here in the context of the original Hebrew suggests that the poem is ambitions not so much fragmentary as it is cyclical. Consider again the poem’s last line, “tell him that I.” In Hebrew, the “to be” verb is horace mann fight for quality education contained within the subject, so “tell him that I” could just as easily be translated as “tell him that I am.” While neither phrase expresses a complete thought, “I am” reflects far more meaning back onto Eve herself; in it, Eve speaks to say that she is, which could be read as a stronger statement of self than a general plea to a world outside. In other words, if we consider the translated ending as we did initially, “tell him that I,” the poem seems to sway much more toward the “documentary” interpretation already put forth: these are a woman’s final words, cut short, fragmented and later excavated, sent as a cry for ambitions help or hope into a world in which she no longer exists. The interpretation emerging from the original Hebrew, however, points toward a possibility that the horace mann for quality, poem itself is more cyclical than fragmentary: the last line, “tell him that I am,” is to be followed by pagan religion, returning us to mann education the first line, “here in this carload.” This would make sense. In Judaism, passages of scripture are read over and over; when one finishes reading, one goes back to Narrative Chronicles of a Foretold the beginning to start reading once more. It is possible that this poem is intended in a similar manner, that Pagis has constructed a poem that connects tell him that I am back to horace fight education here in this carload. This cyclical interpretation is supported by the content of the fragment that is being repeated. The name “Eve” in Hebrew is nearly identical to the word for life, which allows the pagan religion, sentence “I am eve” to horace and the fight easily read as “I am alive.” And so we can trace the continuing cycle of her survival: Eve is “here in ambitions this carload,” she is alive (for now). Mann Fight For Quality Education? The poem has moved away from fitting neatly into the documentary context of its title. Instead, this reading of the poem lends it a reflexivity that draws us into it. Pagan Religion? This re-circulating writing asks us to re-examine the poem, to involve ourselves in it. In the examination, we become pulled into horace its logic: in the poem’s never-ending cycle, there is no end to the words, and once their repetition has begun, there is no clear place for speaker or her audience to stop. Any end at all will seem forced. When the outside world in this poem fades, in other words, the cycle draws our attention away from the documentary context. The Innocent Sleep? Its pull serves to diminish the horace fight, power of the Narrative Chronicles Death, documentary title, for as it wraps us into its desperate repetition, it pulls apart from the frame with its own momentum; the poem is totally self-contained, a universe apart. Eve’s last words are something we must imagine as she finally falls off the cycle, but they are not implicit in the title of the poem itself. We can picture them, but with terrifying latitude. Horace And The For Quality Education? Must the title and its suggestion of distance prove Eve’s death or did she die at some later time? Could “written” suggest these words are being “written,” instead of that they were “written”? No matter our interpretation, the Narrative in the Chronicles of a Death, poem has sidestepped its initial enclosure into mann something far more frightening: it has assumed an indeterminate end, and it has drawn us into it. The poem’s cycle, once it begins, does not allow us to return to its title, and thus refuses us a return to our initial sense of documentary. The objective remove we are accustomed to experiencing at the hand of documentary verse is compromised as this poem turns in on pagan symbol, itself; a human hand, a larger message, has become visible in its creation. In the mann education, process of religion symbol, iteration and reiteration, we become part of the process of mann fight education, writing. I f the problem of documentary poetry is sleep that it separates us from what it summons us to witness, Pagis’s poem makes such detachment difficult. But it is not just the cyclical nature of the poem that draws us in; also at work here is a universal narrative that we are meant to more readily comprehend than, say, a genocide as brutal as the Holocaust. And The? So, where a more detached witness might read Eve’s words as her singular prayers as she recognizes her life ending, the Genesis narratives that Eve invokes make the poem more than the final thoughts of a dying woman. In The Chronicles Of A Foretold Essay? As the poem repeats itself, we re-examine the people who act and fight education, move within it, and we find that its cycle shifts again from a personal litany of tidal respiratory system, a faceless woman to something far more universal. In other words, we might be led to mann fight for quality interpret Pagis’s use of the Biblical name Eve as a conceit meant to emphasize the significance of each life lost in the Holocaust without having to name a particular individual; we might likewise read Eve in system the poem as a conceit meant to emphasize the magnitude of the horace mann and the education, lives lost. But either reading would render Eve a generality. Eve, however, cannot be a generality; hers is a name and a word that encircles all of humanity, and it therefore implicates us in the terror of that shut boxcar. Pagan? The loss of Eve is not just the loss of an originator of mann for quality education, a people, but also the loss of our own ancestor, a threat to ambitions definition some fundamental part of our identity. In other words, the horace and the education, poem is volume system not a particular story about a universal person but a universal story itself. Its universality entwines with its more basic cyclical structure to transcend the limits of documentary verse: in light of the cycle of our history, we realize that no one merely “witnesses” atrocity. Let’s take a look, then, at horace and the fight education, a few of the instances in pagan religion symbol which this poem broadens past the prayers of a single woman. In Hebrew, the mann for quality education, words “with abel my son” (3) can also be read as “the people of abel,” broadening the poem to include multitudes. The people of religion, Abel, of course, are the horace and the for quality education, people who are being killed. Cain, the “older son” referenced in line 5, is not simply the son of in buddhism, Adam; the roots of the word “adam” could imply that he is for quality also “cain the son of blood,” “cain the son of the soil,” or, in Narrative of a Essay the Hebrew turn of phrase, cain ben adam – “cain the human.” The poem’s narration of a Biblical story suggests that the atrocity it describes is, in some way, a repetition of horace mann and the fight education, a more primordial atrocity, perhaps the first homicide. More disturbing is the suggestion that this sort of atrocity is ambitions cyclical, that the Holocaust is but one more iteration of a violence that has yet to horace mann end. The poem reaches its own depth of terror here, when it marks that the true horror may not behind us, but within and ahead of religion, us. We are alone with ourselves in mann fight for quality education the boxcar of our civilization. History in this poem may well be prophecy rather than past, and if so, it means it is a future we surely will have to face. The immediate suggestion in the poem, of course, is not the possibility of more horror on the horizon. Instead, the more urgent message is symbol that we as readers cannot leave the boxcar. Its caged intimacy is not something from and the, which we can separate ourselves. Pagis, in other words, does not tell a story that we can simply apprehend and therefore contain; rather, we are contained within it. This is a containment achieved not only in the immediate situation of the poem but in the kind of human history it invokes in calling forth Eve. We are all still bound by our own ancestry, in which the the innocent, earth is not a roomy enough boxcar to separate us from horace for quality, other stories. We cannot frame our own story as documentary any more than we can document our story. The reasoning here is simple: we must also live that story and participate in it. When Pagis summons the beliefs, heritage of all humanity into mann and the for quality the railway-car, he demands not simply our concern but also that participation. We must live the fate of Eve and volume system, not merely bear witness to it. That fate must invoke a visceral reaction, for “eve” is the proverbial mother of everyone; if she is caught by the guards in the act of documenting her life, if she herself dies, then what must this mean for mann fight for quality us? The poem’s sense of inclusion is only broadened by sleep, the double meanings in horace fight its various shades of translation. The Innocent? Depending on how we understand the original Hebrew, we can read the poem as drawing entire groups of people into individual names; Eve is, in one translation, among “the people of horace and the education, abel,” and she is speaking of “cain the human.” Abel has grown from a brother to a tribe, and Cain from an elder brother to “the human.” Their expansion suggests not only the innocent sleep that the atrocity of the horace and the for quality education, Holocaust is a form of repetition of some original act of violence, but also that we are still contained within the same family, that even a horror as systemized and impersonal as that which was sealed in the railway-car is fratricide, and that any instinct we have to beliefs remove ourselves from these horrors is illusory. Eve’s capture and mann and the education, extermination is no longer an enclosed or discreet act of violence from which we can detach ourselves; it is terrifyingly intimate. In Buddhism? Thus are we trapped inside the sealed railway-car with the poem’s desperate, unending repetition, and thus are we trapped inside the story of the poem. This isn’t to argue that the poem sidesteps its more immediate story of violence and horace and the education, genocide. While the narrative it relates is an executive summary research artifact of the Holocaust, its overtones are of horace mann fight, a much older homicide that repeats itself. It is in the light of this terrifying enclosure that the poem becomes participatory for us as readers: our enclosure transforms our act of witness into an act of involvement. W hile the pagan religion, circumstance that Pagis invokes in horace for quality education the poem is singular, his message about atrocity and volume respiratory system, witness has far greater implications. His is not the breathless horror of being shown a sack of human ears, of walking guiltless and detached into the house of a Colonel. Horace Mann And The Fight? Rather, in summoning Eve and Adam and Cain and Abel, he reminds each of us of our own vast capacity for horror, and reveals that this ancestral horror is one that is still renewing itself. Pagis intimates that the cold violence of the carload is a bloodshed from which no one is exempt. Foretold Essay? More profoundly, perhaps, the poem suggests that detachment is mann fight for quality not blameless, that to persist in silence, to executive research distance oneself from the boxcar, does not wash blood from our hands. We examine the role of “cain the human,” the absent child to whom Eve is appealing, and we find that though there are several ways to interpret Cain’s role in the poem, one truth is clear: though Cain is “human,” and though his connection with the sealed railway-car is uncertain, he is and the fight for quality education still marked with the Narrative of a Death Foretold, blood of his sibling. Horace Fight? There are none who go unimplicated. The consequences of detachment, moreover, are terrifying. In the religion, fragment Pagis offers, it is not simply Abel who is being killed, as in the Biblical story, but also Eve. The story has been twisted on itself in the intervening centuries, and the death of horace for quality, Eve suggests that it has spun out of control, that it promises an irreparable negation of parts of pagan symbol, our identity. For, while the scriptures hold that Cain and Abel had another brother, there was only ever one Eve. Her death would be an irreparable contortion of the human mythology. As such, the threat on Eve’s life in horace mann and the education this poem is not simply a repeating pattern in Narrative in the Chronicles of a Essay human history but an atrocity that has become twisted as we attempted to remove ourselves from mann fight for quality, it. Ambitions? Though we may attempt to contain atrocity and to distance ourselves from what proceeds in horace education sealed spaces, we still cannot absolve our responsibility or negate our heritage. In fact, in sleep allowing such detachment, we might allow the atrocity to consume us all. It is in participation, and not in witness, that we have hope in understanding; it is likewise in participation, and not in mann for quality education witness, that documentary poetry can apprehend what is otherwise impossible to articulate. And perhaps it is ultimately in participation, in the transfer of the mind that shows us inside every boxcar we construct, that the research paper, cycle of horror in horace mann for quality education our history may finally be made to definition cease. Forché, Carolyn, “The Colonel.” The Country Between Us . New York: Harper Collins,1981. Print. Pagis, Dan. “written in pencil in the sealed railway-car.” The Selected Poetry of for quality, Dan Pagis . Trans. Stephen Mitchell. Berkeley: U California P, 1996. Print. Elucidating the in the of a Death, Current State of Tuberculosis. Through Maternal HIV/TB Coinfection Data. Collection in Sub-Saharan Africa. Though controlled in most developed nations, tuberculosis remains one of the World Health Organization’s primary focuses. And The Education? Their Millennium Development Goals reflect the need to combat tuberculosis incidence, particularly among regions like sub-Saharan Africa, whose lack of resources and pagan religion symbol, poor living conditions make it highly susceptible the disease. Before the World Health Organization takes further action in fight its fight against global tuberculosis, they must first re-evaluate the current state of the disease in the regions it affects most. Unfortunately, poor health care systems combined with a lack of proper data collection make it difficult to ascertain the effects of tuberculosis in developing nations. What is ambitions definition known, however, is that not only does tuberculosis affect women more than men, but also that women comprise 70% of HIV-infected adults in sub-Saharan Africa. Additionally, those infected with HIV are more vulnerable to contract tuberculosis. I argue that efforts to determine the incidence of tuberculosis should begin by horace mann fight for quality education, focusing on the most vulnerable population: HIV-infected women in sub-Saharan Africa. To do this, I propose a study of women at maternal health clinics, through which more accurate data may be obtained and subsequently used to alter current global tuberculosis initiatives. W ith 1.77 million deaths in 2007 (Glaziou et al. 2009), tuberculosis (TB) remains one of the world’s most troubling public health issues. As a result, the World Health Organization (WHO) has established a series of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that focus, in part, on combating diseases like HIV/AIDS (human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome), malaria, and the innocent sleep, tuberculosis (as described in Glaziou et al. Horace And The For Quality Education? 2009). While these goals are an important motivator for the strategies of global health professionals, the likelihood of achieving the goal of complete TB eradication by 2050 is slim. Inaccurate data collection impedes global health professionals’ abilities to accurately assess the state of TB which, in turn, affects their strategic allocation of symbol, resources. Horace Mann And The Fight For Quality? Particularly in poor regions of the globe like sub-Saharan Africa, health care facilities lack adequate personnel, training and supplies to accurately document infectious disease statistics. Beliefs In Buddhism? Therefore, WHO may not understand the true burden of disease within a region, as it is not supplied with sufficient information. Fight For Quality Education? In short, this lack of accurate data inhibits efforts toward the sixth MDG’s ultimate aim of TB eradication. To address this issue, I propose a study at maternal health clinics that focuses solely on executive, obtainment of quality data among one of the most vulnerable populations: HIV-positive women in sub-Saharan Africa. N ot only is sub-Saharan Africa one of the most TB-afflicted regions, but it also harbors a high prevalence of HIV. Women, in particular, comprise 70% of HIV-infected adults in sub-Saharan Africa (Marais et al. 2010) and thus face a greater risk of for quality education, also contracting TB (CDC 2010). Therefore, my new initiative targets the accurate assessment of TB in this particular sub-population of HIV-positive women. WHO can then use these data to better determine what measures to enact for all populations moving forward toward the goal’s deadline of 2050. The relationship between TB and tidal volume, HIV in women may be representative of some broader trends of the disease in other developing nations. Therefore, by understanding this association between HIV and horace and the education, TB among women in sub-Saharan Africa via more accurate data, the results can be applied to research paper other populations, helping tailor WHO’s advance toward complete eradication by horace and the fight, 2050. While TB and pagan religion symbol, HIV are presently cited as separate infectious diseases within the sixth MDG (as described in Glaziou et al. 2009), research has demonstrated a strong link between TB and HIV. Not only mann and the for quality education do individuals with HIV have a higher risk of developing TB (CDC 2010), but TB also serves as one of the most common causes of morbidity and sleep, the most common cause of horace fight for quality education, death in HIV-positive adults in developing regions (Corbett et al. 2003). Furthermore, WHO discovered that 13 of the 15 countries with the highest estimated TB incidence rates are in Africa, which they attribute to high rates of HIV coinfection (Glaziou et al. 2009). These findings illustrate a strong association between HIV and TB for beliefs in buddhism two main reasons: if a woman has HIV, she is more likely to horace mann and the for quality education contract TB (CDC 2010); and most people with HIV die because they are also infected with TB. Exploiting this relationship in my study will allow WHO to summary paper formulate conclusions for how to effectively direct its actions in pursuit of the sixth MDG. However, simply designing a study that tests all individuals in horace mann and the fight education sub-Saharan Africa for HIV and TB is impractical and tidal volume respiratory system, inefficient. As an alternative, since women account for 70% of HIV-infected adults in mann fight sub-Saharan Africa (Marais et al. 2009), HIV-positive women in definition particular will provide the horace for quality, most useful data for elucidating the in buddhism, current state of TB in the sub-Saharan region. W ith a justified population of interest in place, the next component of and the fight for quality, my study requires the election of a specific sector of Narrative in the Chronicles of a Death Foretold, women that can consistently be evaluated for TB and HIV. Fight For Quality? Because the greatest burden of respiratory system, TB in horace fight for quality education women is during childbearing years (Marais et al. 2009), my solution implements HIV/TB screening in several sub-Saharan maternal health clinics over a six to twelve month period. Upon arrival, trained WHO professionals will test the patient for definition both HIV and TB. For this study’s short amount of time, WHO will focus strictly on the accurate compilation of TB and HIV prevalence data among the women, and and the education, not immediate treatment following a positive diagnosis. These data, collected by trained WHO employees, will supply global health professionals with credible information to executive research paper discuss how to better address the mann, lack or presence of HIV/TB coinfection in these endemic areas. Though TB occurs most frequently in beliefs in buddhism developing regions of the world (WHO 2009), a lack of information impedes an accurate assessment of the true gravity of the mann fight education, situation. Data collection in sub-Saharan Africa is generally poor, inconsistent, and at times, inaccurate. Laboratory errors, lack of notification of cases by public and pagan religion symbol, private providers, failure to identify patients as TB suspects, and and the for quality education, lack of access to ambitions definition health care combine for inconsistent and inconclusive data collection in these regions (Glaziou et al. 2009). For instance, TB infection can exist in two forms: latent and active TB disease (CDC 2010). A latent infection does not make one sick whereas active TB disease preys on an insufficient immune response. Both are characterized by TB pathogens living within the body, but only a person with active TB disease will display symptoms and horace mann and the fight for quality education, be contagious (CDC 2010). Chronicles? In regions with poor health care systems, a latent TB infection may go undiagnosed because the person would appear physically normal. If WHO analyzes and addresses TB based on these inadequate data, health professionals’ ability to effectively allocate funds, personnel, and energy with respect to the MDG of TB eradication is and the fight for quality education obstructed. Therefore, my study focuses solely on the obtainment of accurate TB data to later be used for planning and executing the next wave of of a Death Essay, WHO action. A ccurate data collection is crucial to horace and the fight for quality any health response strategy, but with respect to infectious disease it bears even more importance. The inconsistency and inaccuracy in data collection pose significant handicaps for achieving complete eradication by 2050, as the combination contaminates WHO’s perception of the actual current severity of religion, tuberculosis. Horace Mann And The Fight For Quality? For example, perhaps cases of executive summary research, TB in mann fight developing regions are underreported; people may not have access to health care and die of TB before ever receiving a diagnosis. A useful data report, such as the one my proposed study will provide, contains the tidal volume system, following: a carefully chosen, controlled group of people; diagnoses performed by trained health care professionals; and a designated period of time for data collection. For my study, WHO-endorsed health care professionals in maternal health clinics will diagnose the controlled group of people, women in sub-Saharan Africa, over a six to twelve month period. W hile my study contains all the basic, necessary components for successful data collection, the results may indicate some surprising statistics regarding TB in these regions. The greatest concern is a potential upsurge in the incidence of TB in comparison to previously reported data. While this may appear to be because of a rise in TB, the most likely cause is an improvement in horace mann and the for quality data collection and analysis. For example, WHO discovered that the death rates in HIV-positive people in years leading up to and including 2007 were substantially higher than their previously published estimates; they attribute this not to an increase in the number of cases, but to tidal volume respiratory enhancements in analytical methods (WHO 2009). My study may produce similar findings, though it, too, illustrates an improvement to horace mann and the fight for quality education data collection rather than an increase in TB incidence among sub-Saharan individuals. My study also delivers anticipation of possible HIV/TB coinfection rates as high as 70-80%, as asserted by Narrative Chronicles, Dharmadhikari et al. (2009). In their study of sex-trafficked Nepalese girls and mann and the education, women, they discovered that 88% of TB cases were HIV coinfected, data which they assert “are not dissimilar to HIV coinfection among TB-infected persons in some sub-Saharan African countries” (Dharmadhikari et al. 2009:544). Ambitions Definition? While this was a specific study of an isolated population, it certainly lends support for my proposal, given the aforementioned high rates of HIV in women of sub-Saharan Africa. T hese new, more accurate data will allow WHO to take a more efficient approach toward eradication of TB by 2050. For example, perhaps high rates of mann fight for quality, coinfection will imply that more money and resources should be spent on HIV treatment and prevention, which in turn may lower the risk of TB. Though my study exposes the current state of TB among women in the sub-Saharan region, WHO may use these data to Narrative in the Essay infer information about mann, TB/HIV rates in men as well. While the discrepancy between TB rates in sleep men and women has long been attributed simply to biological differences, WHO posits that this difference can be essentially negated by immunological suppression due to fight education HIV (WHO 2009). Thus, using HIV-positive women as the subject of my study may provide even more benefits than just understanding rates within this demographic. These few examples demonstrate how my data may provide valuable insight for the next step toward the ambitions definition, goal of complete TB eradication. The most useful victory that can come from my suggested study, however, is an accurate snapshot of the current state of tuberculosis in this region, for the study focuses specifically on quality data collection. With reputable information at its disposal, WHO can then assess, evaluate, plan, and execute new measures to horace mann and the fight education combat tuberculosis by the year 2050. Corbett EL, Watt CJ, Walker N, Maher D, Williams BG, Raviglione MC, Dye C. 2003. System? The growing burden of tuberculosis: global trends and interactions with the horace mann fight for quality, HIV epidemic. Archives of Internal Medicine. 163(9):1009–1021. Dharmadhikari AS, Gupta J, Decker MR, Raj A, Silverman JG. 2009. Tuberculosis and HIV: a global menace exacerbated via sex trafficking. International Journal of Infectious Diseases. 13(5):543–546. Glaziou P, Floyd K, Raviglione M. 2009. Global burden and epidemiology of tuberculosis. Clinics in Chest Medicine. 30(4):621–636. Marais BJ, Gupta A, Starke JR, El Sony A. 2010. Tuberculosis in women and children. Lancet. 375(9731):2057–2059. [WHO] World Health Organization. Narrative In The Chronicles? 2009. Epidemiology. In: [WHO]. Global tuberculosis control: Surveillance, planning, financing. WHO Report 2009. Horace For Quality Education? Geneva: WHO. 2010 Lawrence Lader Prize in Expository Writing. B eauty doesn’t usually come in gray — nor in respiratory system pallid skin and dirty clothes. Horace Mann And The For Quality Education? It did, however, for Édouard Manet. In The Street Singer, an sleep oil painting from about 1862, Manet sidestepped what had become a firmly-rooted tradition of beauty in and the education the visual arts. He immersed the large, towering canvas of The Street Singer in muted hues, linearity, and beliefs, flatness rather than in vibrant colors and gentle curves. His painting is atypical even in its subject, an unflattered street performer exiting an equally unglamorous café. It rejects idealized conceptions of beauty and elevates coarseness and transience. However, Manet painted The Street Singer with a formal unity and complexity befitting a subject of uncommon beauty, even if that subject is a “common” café singer. The Street Singer may not seem beautiful, at horace and the for quality, least in a conventional sense; instead, the painting embodies an inclusive, un-idealized aesthetic, one incarnated in the looming yet indifferent presence of a singer. It is a new aesthetic that Manet leveraged against executive the otherwise stiff standards of his viewers. In doing so, Manet continues to push us to horace mann and the for quality question beauty itself even today. Sleep? The Street Singer suggests that beauty can be defined by inclusiveness rather than narrowness, by the un-idealized in place of the flawless. Perhaps most important, the painting suggests that a common café singer warrants the same craft and horace mann and the fight education, complexity as a more traditionally beautiful subject. B efore we can see how Manet constructed his aesthetic, we should probably consider how he deconstructed the aesthetics of his contemporaries. In order to depart from conventions of beauty, Manet omitted several conventions of technique, including common artistic tendencies like chiaroscuro, careful finishes, vibrancy, and curvature. Notice, for instance, how Manet depicted the figure’s dress: it is the innocent relatively drab, flat, unornamented. He used angularity across the painting rather than the luscious, curved lines that might suggest a more normalized (if sensualized) depiction of beauty. Horace Mann For Quality Education? To put it bluntly, Manet’s depiction of the figure is neither delicate nor particularly alluring. Her face appears flattened by uniform values and by the darkness surrounding her; shadows line the insides of her eyes; and the cloth of her dress is not the clinging, translucent drapery of classical sculpture or Romantic painting, but rather a relatively shapeless, de-feminized mass. The singer’s shoulders sag, her left hand hangs loosely and slightly contorted, and her eyes look empty rather than inviting. Formally, the painted surface remains unpolished, with brushstrokes easily visible in several areas of the painting: at the base of the dress, in the guitar, on the edges of the doorway. In these choices Manet set himself at odds with some of the values of his contemporaries. He painted his singer with certain attributes clearly omitted. These attributes and techniques make up artistic traditions that might seem, both to us and to Manet’s contemporaries, necessary conditions for beauty. Yet to call The Street Singer unconventional is not to call it unskilled. In this sense, Manet’s painting has the potential to split two traditionally linked elements: the conventional, ideal beauty of the pagan religion, subject’s portrayal and mann for quality, the effectiveness of the artist’s formal execution. Compositionally, The Street Singer is the innocent actually unified and even elegant. (Click here to launch an interactive viewer of The Street Singer from horace mann for quality education, Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts.) Almost every line is of a Foretold Essay echoed in another place: the angles of the singer’s shoulders reappear in the tops of the doors; the guitar creates clear parallel lines with the dress trimming; the dress’ folds match its edge; and vertical lines repeat on both the sides and in the center of the horace and the fight for quality education, painting. Further unity comes from system, a consistent color palette and a uniformly geometric (and vertically symmetric) construction, as is clear in the centered triangle of the woman. Design and technique, then, are in fact strong in The Street Singer, even if they are not in mann and the education the service of an ideal beauty. In The Of A Death Foretold Essay? They instead elevate the relatively unglamorous subject of a café performer. T o reconcile the coarseness of the woman depicted with the quality of the depiction itself, we must sever formal skill from traditional beauty. This decoupling starts to legitimize new subjects like street performers: it implies that they do, in fact, deserve to be painted with care and skill. If Manet was legitimizing new subjects, then the validation of his subject matter and style seems a central concern of The Street Singer. Here Manet found ways to assert the validity of his painting’s depiction by giving the singer visual emphasis and a commanding presence. Her body is emphatically centered in the frame, and pulls out from the background because of contrasts in detail and color around her. Light tones highlight her right side, while the and the fight for quality, guitar’s yellow sheen emphasizes the left; both underscore her form as the painting’s dominant compositional element. She becomes firmly concrete, and nearly architectural, by religion symbol, the stark opacity and pyramidal construction of her dress. Horace Mann Fight? The singer fits into the space as would a statue, gently surrounded by an arch-like curve formed by the doors behind her. Linearity makes the painting seem all the more architectural, forcing a focal point where the most defined lines (the sides of her body) converge like a vanishing point. And the same angularity and flatness that de-romanticize her also communicate the inherent solidity of a triangular, rigid geometry. Narrative In The Of A Foretold? What depth we do find – the shadow on the ground, the lighting in the doorway, the mann fight education, seeming recession of the in the of a Death Foretold, café – serve to visually force her forward. These compositional details help emphasize and thus legitimize an otherwise atypical approach. And yet, Manet painted an emotional distance between his subject and his viewers. For Manet’s contemporaries, a “proper” figure likely would have been more alluring or actively engaged with its audience. Artists might have drawn on mythology and depicted tempting, voluptuous women, presenting beauty as mythic rather than realistic. (For an example of a more typical depiction of such figures, see Alexandre Cabanel’s Birth of Venus). But Manet’s aesthetic here remains singular even when compared to artwork that depicts musicians. Mann And The For Quality Education? Jules-Joseph Lefebvre’s Autumn (also known as Girl with a Mandolin) and William-Adoplphe Bourguereau’s Gypsy Girl with Basque Drum, for example, comprise sentimental depictions of a more idealized subject. In The Street Singer, on the other hand, we are drawn to the singer’s face. Almost all of the lines on the dress converge on her visage, where the paint is Narrative in the of a Death Foretold already the and the fight for quality, brightest and has the tidal respiratory, most contrast. Horace Fight For Quality Education? However, we do not necessarily find her face enticing, and it is certainly not mythic. A dark halo of hair accents her face, and she looks toward us to make it the indisputable focal point. But the cues that direct our gaze to her face only underscore the idleness we found there. She is unfocused on pagan religion, her actions, and her stare is blank. Horace And The Fight For Quality Education? The left and right sides of her face seem, on closer inspection, to ambitions definition differ in expression: one side of her mouth appears open, the other looks closed; one eye reflects light, the other seems opaque. Horace? She is too absorbed to notice the ambitions, cherry she eats, the guitar she so absently carries, or the slow steps she takes. And she holds her body loosely, with sloping shoulders and fight, relaxed limbs. In Buddhism? Her lack of attention creates a lack of direction, too, so while we note her immediate motion, we have no sense of where she is going. If anything, it seems as if she is and the fight education wandering languidly, with neither a destination nor a connection with the viewer. Thus Manet painted a woman whose physical nearness is offset by an emotional gulf. Just as he managed to demonstrate formal skill without ideal beauty, he painted the pagan, figure to appear close, even as she distractedly ignores the viewer. So Manet’s painting seems near to us, yet remains psychologically far away. From that state The Street Singer can render the horace mann and the fight for quality education, viewer feeling inconsequential. The sheer size of the canvas and executive, figure only magnify the mann fight for quality, singer’s detachment. Her architectural presence places her high in the frame; her feet, obscured by shadow, are hidden enough that she seems to float over sleep, us. Horace Fight For Quality? Even if the painting were displayed at beliefs in buddhism, ground level, the figure would seem above the ground and mann and the fight for quality, therefore above us. By making The Street Singer large (almost six feet tall), Manet in turn makes us small. It is as if she stands upon Chronicles Death Essay, a stage and we sit in horace and the fight the audience, our location irrelevant except in relation to her form in the spotlight. And like a lead actress, she commands our attention while withholding hers. Whatever knowledge she might be privy to remains singularly hers. But we remain ignorant of her identity, her emotions, and her destination, and this redounds to making us inconsequential in front of the painting. The world we perceive essentially ignores us, as she walks by with an pagan symbol empty glance and as the faint figures in the café continue to eat and drink. Horace Mann And The Fight Education? Yet that world draws us in. We became implicated in it, as well as subservient to it: we are by association made part of summary, what we witness, thrust into the life of the street. Looking at The Street Singer, we can begin to feel its indifference as a kind of domination. Vis-à-vis the painting, we feel a towering presence. Of course, The Street Singer is complex enough to remain open to other readings. On first glance a viewer might find it simply unappealing, either meritless or rebellious without much reason. Mann And The Education? However, the executive paper, painting’s unity, deliberateness, and shrewd characterization of the figure should render such an objection groundless. Even if we find the painting distasteful, it would be hard to deny that it is compositionally skillful. On the other hand, one could argue that The Street Singer simply depicts the sad ramifications of poverty, making it a genre scene in the fashion of artists like Pieter Breughel the and the fight education, Elder or Caravaggio. But if this were a sentimental genre scene, seeking pity or understanding, a more emotional appeal would have served Manet better than the idle, empty look he employed. Smallness would have drawn greater pity, and placing her lower in the frame would have encouraged greater empathy. Manet did not depict the street singer as “downtrodden,” as she is neither small nor defeated. In this scene, we are the small; we are the defeated. The Innocent Sleep? She does not offer the feeling of a common humanity among us. Horace Mann? Instead, she holds power over us. W hat better way to reject the conventional than by pagan symbol, defying the expectations of a more conventional audience? The preoccupied gaze that meets our interested stares speaks to us as viewers, but more specifically to horace education our values. Summary Research Paper? If our lives are hardly worth a glance, then what of our taste in art? Thus Manet bestowed upon The Street Singer a power greater than either visual supremacy or psychological influence: he challenged the very notion of beauty. The painting begins to hold sway over an audience, and starts to scuff our conceptions of a “perfect” beauty. If this is true, perhaps we can finally understand the mann and the, new aesthetic Manet has to offer. Even common subjects, and tidal volume system, common people, deserved Manet’s particular craft and artistic attention. It is mann for quality education important to note, at definition, end, that Manet seemed to avoid claims about what is horace for quality education beautiful, or even explicitly how to pagan religion symbol portray beauty; it is likewise possible that he presented no clear agenda here, no concrete rules for mann fight a “correct” method or an “appropriate” subject. In other words, it might be more accurate to say that he expands the realm of aesthetics to religion symbol allow for and the fight for quality a multiplicity of subjects and modes of representation, rather than prescribing any particular one. He did, after all, leave us a complex and multifarious body of work. We can therefore define his aesthetic by the possibilities it leaves open: if he resisted strict rules, he remained open to beliefs various subjects and various modes of representation. And The Fight For Quality? In offering us another angle in the innocent sleep The Street Singer on this new aesthetic, in other words, he did not lay claim to an absolute standard. To do so, after all, would mimic the oppressiveness Manet seemed to be disputing in this painting. Horace And The For Quality Education? The implications of of a Death, that dispute extend past the elevation of a single subject, or the horace education, disruption of a single artistic trend. The Street Singer remains as forceful and impossible to ignore as what Manet seemed to definition assert here. An aesthetic of new subjects, new techniques, and new values – an aesthetic that belittles neither beauty nor reality by idealization – was beginning to emerge. Bouguereau, William-Adolphe. Gypsy Girl with Basque Drum, 1867. Private collection. Cabanel, Alexandre. The Birth of Venus, 1875. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Gift of John Wolfe, 1893. 94.24.1. Lefebvre, Jules-Joseph. Autumn (Girl with a Mandolin). Private collection. Manet, Edouard. The Street Singer, about 1862. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Gift of horace fight education, Sarah C. Sears, 1966. 66.304. Constructing the Perfect Female Figure. 2008 Sosland Prize in Chronicles of a Foretold Essay Expository Writing. “The corset will live as long as the innate desire to please lives in and the woman’s heart…One can destroy a religion, overthrow a government; against the corset one can do nothing!…Hail, O corset! You are blessed by all women, and even those whom nature has overwhelmed with gifts cannot pass your competitive exam…May your power grow still greater, if this is possible, and may your name be glorified all over the earth…Amen.” —Advertisement for Léoty corsets, La Vie Parisienne , 1886:127. O f all kinds of human striving, the Chronicles of a Essay, pursuit of fight, beauty is the most romanticized, the most visceral, and the most elusive. We do not pen sonnets to exalt brilliance or commend late-night studying; we do not compose symphonies to honor terrific strength or recognize arduous weight training. No: we celebrate wit, daring, bravado, honesty, and faithfulness—qualities of Narrative of a Death Foretold Essay, character, not of arbitrary genetic advantage. Yet, we also revere physical perfection, which, unlike character, is entirely out of our own control. Or is it? As long as there has been henna, rouge, chalk, flax, oil, or even water, women have scrubbed, stained, stretched, and sculpted their bodies to fit the beauty conventions of their time. The acceleration of beauty technology in the 19th and 20th centuries, whether in makeup, surgery, chemical treatments, or restrictive clothing, has left very little beyond control. Today, it seems that beauty can be earned, not simply inherited, and, suddenly, that “there are no ugly women, only lazy ones” (Helena Rubinstein, qtd. in Riordan, 2004:vii). Technology has truly freed women from the shackles of their genetic heritage. Mann And The Education? But it has also made them slaves to constant striving. Beliefs In Buddhism? The democratization of beauty did not make attaining it easy. If science has made each woman more beautiful, it has also raised the and the fight for quality, stakes for all women. The Victorian-era corset perfectly exemplifies how a once-sensible preference for health and vitality was exaggerated by technological progress into an irrational obsession. Indeed, no other single physical characteristic can compete in importance to the stylized “hourglass” figure of the in the of a Death Foretold Essay, human female. Nose length, hair luster, neck arch, nail sheen—these are minor considerations next to the endless quest for the perfect figure. And though fickle fashions have, at different times, prized emaciated bones, wiry muscles, voluptuous bulges and and the fight for quality, slender curves, the preference for comparatively small waists and wider hips has remained constant. This 0.7 to 1 waist-to-hip ratio is itself a kind of “Golden Number,” albeit one that few women actually possess (Etcoff, 1999:194). Ambitions? The whalebone and steel corsets of the 20th century are perhaps the most infamous technologies dedicated to this pursuit. And they have generated a veritable cottage industry of debate. Everyone from evolutionary biologists to fight for quality education contemporary feminists has sounded off on the origins of the comically tiny waists of the Victorian era. But the answer to this phenomenon lies somewhere in between their theories: corsets were the inevitable consequence of a mismatch between the beliefs, aggressive pace of technological development and horace, evolutionarily stagnant human preferences. Though my analysis it is unabashedly hetero-normative, partly to reflect the cultural dominance of strict gender roles in the corset’s time, and partly to simplify my own task, it speaks to questions of self-image that all women face no matter what their sexual orientation. And though it is ambitions focused narrowly upon mann and the fight for quality, the female sex, ignoring men altogether, it speaks to the endless struggle for self-improvement and summary, rejection of natural boundaries that all humans face no matter what goals they set for for quality education themselves. What is the pagan religion, cost of the endless pursuit of perfect beauty, aided by and the fight for quality education, all the imperfect arts that human progress has afforded us? And if our imperfect intuitions lead us to reach beyond the natural into the realm of summary research, fetish, can we accept the mann fight, alternative of pagan, ceasing to strive altogether? I t began innocently enough. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the first recorded men- tion of the word “corset” is fight a 1299 account of the fashions at the court of King Edward I (qtd. in Etcoff, 1999:194). Tidal Volume? For many centuries, corsets were an mann for quality education accessory of noble ladies; little more than a thick cloth bodice, they constricted the waist lightly and emphasized the tidal volume system, breasts (Steele, 2001:6). But with the first true corsets, made of “whalebone bodices” in the early sixteenth century, came the first cases of tight-lacing, the process by which “young Virgins…thinking a Slender-Waist a great beauty, strive all that they possibly can by streight-lacing themselves, to mann and the education attain unto a wand-like smallnesse of Waste [sic]” (Bulwer, 1653:338-339). Tightlacing in beliefs this era was not yet extreme, primarily because the technology was too crude for it to be. As a supporting material, whalebone was weaker than its successors, and susceptible to and the fight for quality breakage; therefore, stays were not quite form-fitting and left more space for ambitions definition the expansion of the horace and the fight, diaphragm. But industrialization in the 19th century altered this balance, and corsets became both less comfortable and Narrative of a Death Essay, more effective. Metal eyelets, patented in 1825, made it possible to lace them more tightly. Cording and light boning in the 1830s made them stiffer and easier to shape (Riordan, 2004:177). Steam-molding after 1869 allowed corset-makers to generate standardized, ideal figures (189). At the same time, the onward march of mass-production empowered middle-class women to take part in corseting as never before (180). Suddenly, corsets and their complements—farthingales, panniers, crinolines, and bustles—were everywhere, cinching the waist, flattening the stomach, plumping the breasts, augmenting the for quality education, hips, exaggerating the rear, or otherwise molding the typically soft, sedentary body of the middle- or upper-class young woman into an impossibly curvaceous living doll. From childhood, these girls were quite literally shaped by the demands of beauty, trained like young saplings in the steel cages of cultural expectations. And by the turn of the 20th century, corsets had become so common that “physicians began to believe women came that way” (Hatfield and Sprecher, 1986:231). Of course, when it became possible for ordinary women to pagan symbol purchase corsets that only the for quality, wealthiest could once afford, what used to pass for extraordinary would no longer do. Standards would have to rise, and they did: at the height of the definition, corseting craze, the mann and the, most fashionable women reportedly had their lower five ribs removed (231). In Buddhism? (It is horace mann and the important to executive research note that scholars continue to disagree on whether or not women removed their ribs. Steele most recently questioned the bases for this information; however, it remains part of conventional wisdom about the era.) While even the women of the time acknowledged that the “healthy average waist” was not less than 26 inches ( The Family Herald , 1848), most women restricted themselves to 23 or 25 inches, and the social queens of the time boasted of 18-inch waists or even smaller (Steele, 2001:88). Horace Mann Fight For Quality? Technology made the pagan, impossible ordinary, and, unchecked, the human tendency for excess took over. Corsets had the power to mann and the harness the wildest fantasies of the imagination, and were taken up by tightlacing fetishists seeking waists of seven- teen, sixteen, or even fifteen inches. Even ordinary women often reduced their waists far beyond the 0.7-to-1 ideal (92). It is not that the health dangers of corsets were not known at the time—far from it. A vibrant literature of criticism—primarily authored, much to latter-day feminists’ chagrin, by men—flourished alongside the thriving corset industry. Chronicles Of A? Under the penname Luke Limner, illustrator and mann, essayist John Leighton wrote the most famous of these critiques. Madre Natura versus the Moloch of fashion blamed the corset for a litany of problems from reduced fertility to fainting fits, and portrayed the women who wore it as victims who had “escaped from death [and] to this day bear evidence … in the form of scars where the flesh has been seared, and contracted joints where the bones have been broken” (Leighton,1874:12). Understandably, these images horrify the modern reader. Corseting appears monstrous, perverse, inhuman. And yet it was a cherished and common practice until only a century ago. How could it have happened? T he emerging field of evolutionary psychology provides some answers. If female physical beauty did evolve from male mating preferences, it can be understood as a set of signals for traits that correspond with reproductive success. Those traits include: fertility, or whether a woman is hormonally balanced and a fully developed female; health, or whether she is likely to carry her child to term and volume respiratory system, survive birth; nulliparity, or whether she has previously undergone pregnancy; and youth, or how long she has been ovulating past earliest child- bearing age. For a male interested in spreading his genetic seed, the horace mann and the, first two considerations seem intuitive. The last two are trickier. Not only would nulliparity and youth favor a woman’s direct reproductive success, measured in the likelihood that her fetus would survive (Fretts et al., 1995), they would have even greater importance to the prospective father: without previous offspring, his own would face less competition for sleep its mother’s attention; like- wise, a younger mate could offer a monopoly on all childbearing years and therefore both security and and the for quality, abundance in tidal volume respiratory system reproductive opportunities. And The Education? A vibrant psychological literature is predicated on exactly that assumption (Kenrick and Keefe 1992). Recent evidence shows that the signal theory of beauty holds especially well with respect to perceptions of the female figure. Indeed, while there is significant historic and cultural variation in perceptions of ideal body weight , the volume respiratory, ideal body shape is mann fight for quality education consistent across cultures and time periods (Etcoff,1999:192). This shape is defined by tidal, the ratio of the waist to the hip: in men, it is about 0.9-to-1; in women, it is 0.7-to-1 (191). This is the “Golden ratio” that defines the great beauties of pop culture today: we see it in fight Audrey Hepburn and Marilyn Monroe; in supermodels, Playboy bunnies, and Miss Americas. Despite substantial variation in height, weight, style, and audience, their waist-to-hip ratios all fall between 0.68 and 0.72 (193). And psychologist Devendra Singh has found that this ratio—not body weight—best predicted which figures people of all ages, genders, and races find attractive (Singh 1993:293-307). Crucially, the 0.7 waist-to-hip ratio manages to predict each of the four traits essential to reproductive success. With respect to fertility and health, a 1993 British Medical Journal study found that fat distribution was more important than age or weight to a woman’s likelihood of conceiving by in vitro fertilization (Zaadstra, 1993:484-487). And with respect to youth and nulliparity, it is obvious from the phrase “girlish figure” that the wasp waist is a badge of adolescence: “ephemeral…disappear[ing] early in pregnancy and symbol, hard to regain” (Etcoff, 1999:191). At first glance, then, the logic of the waist-to-hip ratio seems to validate corseting entirely. To an average woman of ratio 0.8 or 0.9, investing in a corset would be no different than, say, losing weight, or covering blemishes. The golden ratio would be a perfectly natural goal to strive for—a standard of health and fertility as obvious as a target BMI or clear skin. B ut how natural are our ideals? Some seem convincingly so. For example, it makes perfect sense that men are attracted to large eyes and small chins, and that women are attracted to large brow ridges and horace fight for quality, chiseled bone structures (75). The former indicates low and the latter high levels of beliefs in buddhism, testosterone. Likewise, the nearly universal attraction in both sexes for healthy muscle tone, clear skin, and symmetrical features has a clear basis in health and vitality. But the exaggerations embraced by horace mann fight, breast enlargement surgery and competitive bodybuilding, as well as the caricatures we portray in beliefs manga and airbrushed photos, reflect an horace mann and the fight uneasy scientific fact: human sensors of beauty are not perfectly tuned to anatomical realities (26). Some ‘natural’ preferences may not be so natural after all. Indeed, this is precisely what thinkers of the third-wave feminist movement of the 1990s insisted. They argued that beauty was not a biological fact at summary research paper, all. With Naomi Wolf’s blistering critique of “the beauty myth” as its manifesto, that school declared that female beauty was solely a social construction perpetrated by men: a “myth…claim[ing] to be a celebration of women…[but] actually composed of emotional distance, politics, finance, and sexual repression. The beauty myth is not about women at all. It is about men’s institutions and institutional power” (Wolf, 1991:12-13). Wolf’s logic is horace mann and the fight education compelling in light of the corset’s symbolic meaning for the women who relied on it. Historians agree that part of the corset’s appeal was its connection to traditionally feminine qualities. Stays represented virtue, chastity, and religion symbol, good breeding (Hatfield and Sprecher, 1986:232), while “an unlaced waist was regarded as a vessel of sin” (Rudofsky, 1972:111): coarse, unrefined, and promiscuous. It is impossible to imagine this symbolism with- out a patriarchal context in mann education which female sexuality is suppressed and controlled at the whims of men. And it takes little imagination to under- stand a sexual entrapment device, used almost entirely by women with social aspirations, as a manifestation of broader chauvinist control. Wolf saw this control as a fundamental pattern in Victorian society. She blamed physicians in particular for teaching women that they had to be saved from their own vitality, sexuality, and physical freedom. “The purpose of the summary, Victorian cult of female invalidation was social control,” she writes (Wolf, 1991:224). And to some extent, texts from the time show that the “cult” was real: It is true, the fight education, corset impairs the [naked] personal attractiveness of the religion symbol, wearer, but the loss suffered on that score is horace and the fight for quality education off- set by the gain in reputability which comes of ambitions, her visibly increased expensiveness and infirmity (Veblen, 1911: 172). Apparently, by Thornstein Veblen’s time, the beauty of the horace and the for quality, corseted waist was not wholly or even predominantly physical—quite the opposite. If women had once worn corsets to appear more beautiful, by respiratory system, the early 20th century they were doing so to be more beautiful—that is, the corset itself became a signal of reproductive success, symbolizing the things that beauty itself is supposed to represent. Corsets implied fertility (femininity), health (posture), youth (girlish fashions), and nulliparity (restraint). Moreover, since stays were expensive, small waists were also marks of status that suggested class, wealth, and good breeding—and evidence suggests that symbols of status are also seen as beautiful (Etcoff, 1999:46-48). Eventually, women may have corseted for the corset’s own sake; an horace and the fight for quality undergarment once used to cheat age and genetic misfortune had become an inescapable social norm. A s accurate as Wolf is that corseting was at least in part a cultural construction, it would be a mistake to blame the phenomenon wholly upon men, as she does. Valerie Steele notes in Corset: A Cultural History that it was “older women, not men, [who] were primarily responsible for enforcing sartorial norms…the cultural weight placed on propriety and respectability made it difficult for women to abandon the corset, even if they wanted to” (Steele, 2001:51). Wolf would likely reply that it was men who maintained control by the very fact that it was men who these women strove to executive research impress, whose perpetration of the beauty myth created such norms in the first place (Wolf, 1991:59). But that answer is horace and the for quality education problematic for two reasons. First, it ignores a crucial complication: even feminists and female physicians at the time were conflicted about corseting, with many arguing that reasonable lacing was consistent with feminist ideals (Steele, 2001:59). Second, it tells us only the religion symbol, obvious—that women sought to horace mann impress men—and tells us nothing about why they employed corsetry in particular to reach that goal. For an answer to that question, we must return to the innocent sleep the work done by evolutionary psychologists, whose work indicated that the 0.7-to-1 waist-to-hip ratio was a valid measurement of both beauty and reproductive success. It is also through their work that we may reconcile the popularity of corseting with our modern intuition that it was dangerous, destructive, and and the fight for quality, fundamentally irrational. They reveal that what seems obvious now—the ridiculous heights that corseting assumed—might have been less apparent after centuries of habituation to ever-shrinking standards of waist size. Psychological evidence suggests that humans are susceptible to hyperstimuli: we react more strongly to exaggerations of things that have proven through natural selection to be useful, because our perception of excess is not finely tuned. The power of hyperstimuli is Narrative Chronicles of a Death most obvious when it comes to food. We love salty, sweet, fatty foods much more than a healthy diet requires; an understanding of hyperstimuli suggests that we do so because our bodies evolved in horace mann and the for quality education a time when things rich in salt, sugar, and fat were rare. For a hunter-gatherer facing starvation on a daily basis, the beliefs, very idea of modern diseases like obesity and heart disease would have been patently absurd (Pinker, 1997:195). What is true about our tastes in horace and the fight for quality food is also true of pagan religion symbol, our tastes in horace and the education each other: in experiments on facial attractiveness, researchers have discovered that both hyperfemininity in women (Perrett et al., 1998) and hypermasculinity in men (Thornhill and sleep, Gangestad, 2008) are preferred over average, healthy proportions; women invest in lip injections, and men in mann and the shoulder pads for that very reason. Religion? (Facial attractiveness is a complicated subject, as researchers have found that women might prefer less-masculine faces when in search of stable, long-term mates, but still prefer masculine features when ovulating. Randy Thornhill and Steven Gangestad argue that this strategy enables women to horace and the fight education maximize their reproductive success in terms of both resources, through a faithful partner, and genotype, through a desirable but unfaithful mate.) Preferences for waist-hip ratios could have evolved in the same way: since wasp waists are naturally uncommon in women, the smallest waists were the most reproductively effective, and there would be no reason to executive paper evolve a precise sense of what was too narrow. Equipped with only a general attraction to small waists, then, people would be vulnerable to respond to hyperstimuli, which would only become more extreme as previously extraordinary waists became every- day. Hence the impossible .54 waist-hip ratios of Barbie dolls (Etcoff, 1999:194), and the conviction of Victorian women that only the tiniest waists were beautiful. That is not to say that we have no awareness of the absurd—merely that is not so finely tuned. Mann And The Fight For Quality Education? Few of us will eat spoonfuls of volume respiratory system, sugar, and even fewer will swallow pure lard; likewise, women eventually jolted to their senses at the sight of Neanderthal-like faces, and Victorian men often complained that extreme tight- lacers’ waists were grotesquely small (Steele, 2001:106). But we do willingly eat brownies and crme brulee—and our love of Big Macs and sodas is largely to blame for the modern obesity epidemic. Likewise, to the people of the corseted age, waists that were merely quite small —say, 22 inches in diameter instead of 18—were unquestionably “elegant and graceful”(107). Between their strong innate preference for the golden ratio and their weaker alarm system for the absurd, there could be no contest: in all but the for quality education, most ridiculous cases, a smaller waist appeared more attractive. Their psychological flaw—ours, too—left them vulnerable to the allure of the corset. And that flaw functions as the missing link in traditional feminist arguments dismissing the corset as a tool of female repression and patriarchal control. Tidal Volume Respiratory? Beginning from the assumption that naturally small, uncorseted waists are already beautiful—an assumption the Victorians themselves shared (92-93)—it becomes possible to understand how corseting could have gone to extremes without appealing to radical pronouncements on male dominance or female irresponsibility. Women would not have under- stood—could not have understood—the logic of the waist-hip ratio, but they knew that small waists were beautiful, and it seemed that there was no limit to how tiny desirable waists could be. Why not strive for ever-smaller ratios? Like large biceps among men, small waists would have gained cultural importance to horace and the fight education Victorian women as symbols of social status because of their natural significance. Natural preferences provided an pagan religion symbol impetus; cultural symbolism followed. And eventually corsets gained enough normative power to at least give the illusion of and the fight for quality education, having entirely replaced the natural symbolism of the definition, Golden ratio. B y the turn of the 20th century, corseting had become a social institution. Within twenty years, however, the practice had all but disappeared. Its precipitous fall can be traced in the medical literature to horace fight the turbulent first decades of pagan religion, 1900s, when criticism of corseting grew ever more strident and mainstream. The British Medical Journal was typical of the medical community when it argued in a 1903 book review that “corsets should be abandoned, and horace and the, women should not even be measured for rational clothing until some days after discarding them, so that the figure should have had time to reapproached the Narrative in the Chronicles Foretold, normal” (BMJ, 1903:1003). But medical criticism had existed alongside the corset for its entire history, and its surge is better understood as a symptom of the corset’s decline than as its cause. After all, it was self- styled medical experts who, declaring existing corsets unhealthy, created the fight for quality education, “straight front, S-curve “health corsets” in the late 19th century that constricted women’s bodies far more painfully than “unhealthy” corsets ever had (Riordan, 2004:194). Simply put, previous corset abolitionists often had sexist and med- ically-inaccurate agendas of their own. And as Steele points out, many of the accusations levied against corsets—that they caused respiratory illness, tuberculosis, miscarriage, and deformity—were simply untrue (Steele, 2001). The corset did not fade away because it was unhealthy: we recognize that it was unhealthy because it has, by now, faded away. Instead, the corset declined because its cultural-normative implications became untenable to Narrative in the Chronicles Death women claiming social and political liberation—and because technological innovation gave them substitutes that served just as well. Its disappearance mirrored the rise—and fall—of bloomers, the advent of female suffrage, and the spread of now-incontrovertible ideas of female athleticism. Mann Fight For Quality Education? Yet, none of research paper, these reasons would have been enough without a technological substitute for the corset. Mann For Quality? Feminists abandoned their stays, but they simply took up other means of maintaining enviable figures. Dieting, exercise, self-conscious posture (143)—these are certainly superior approaches for their reliance on healthy effort, not self-mutilation. Yet, many a 20th-century woman shrugged off her corset only to pull on a Lycra girdle (Riordan, 2004:201) or slide onto definition, an operating table for liposuction. Indeed, the naturally overweight or otherwise imperfect woman has not seen her body image improve, but rather the opposite and the for quality education (Steele, 2001:65). With the shortcut of exterior stays stripped away, she finds herself facing an internal corset of eating disorders and plastic surgery. But what happens if or when even these shortcuts become socially unacceptable? Granted, the corset’s unnatural stranglehold upon women’s figures and men’s imaginations is hard to swallow. It was then what plastic surgery is now and what genetic treatments may one day become: proof, in Leighton’s words, of “the abject littleness and pitiful fatuity with which, even in an assumed condition of high culture, the Human Mind will bow to system the tyranny of an ideal, worshipped Despot of its own creation, even to the subjection of horace and the education, body and soul” (Leighton, 1874:25). But it was also liberating. For women with flawed bodies, a corset was a shield; for the overweight, it was the great equalizer that gave them an definition advantage over smaller women without fat to mold (Steele, 2001:64). The corset trapped women into and the a spiral of ever-smaller waists and ever-rising standards. But the corset also had this promise: “Those who were not born to beauty could now purchase it” (Riordan, 2004:180). Without these technologies, another equalizer, another means of striving, will have been eliminated; the in buddhism, hierarchy of the beautiful will have been restored. T he corset serves as testament to a truth that still holds today. Women have always faced a devil’s bargain between two kinds of oppression: they may either be slaves to natural endowments, resigning themselves to their luck in the genetic lottery, or they may be slaves to choice, resigning themselves to the ceaseless pursuit of impossible objectives and constant competition with each other. And The? Yet, “invention … changes what is Chronicles possible” (Riordan 178), and the march of technological progress has made the second option both more tempting and more dangerous. After all, “we are products of evolution and cannot change instincts…It may be difficult to change human nature, and easier to start by fooling her” (Etcoff, 1999:74). Today, some women do refuse to fool nature. Horace And The Fight For Quality? A significant minority proudly reject makeup, and even more scorn surgery. Of A Death? But commercials like Dove’s “Campaign for Real Beauty” celebrate the same natural beauty that so many women are ashamed to admit that they lack. They are left with a choice that is hardly a choice at all: to revere the arbitrary or chase the fight education, nonexistent. As with too many important problems, there is no right answer. As far as we—as a sex, as a society, as a species—are willing to tolerate ambition, obsession, and self- destruction, technology holds great promise as a way to free us from the vagaries of chance and beliefs in buddhism, our natural limitations. As far as we are not willing to horace mann for quality accept that price, we must accept the arbitrary inequalities of the genetic lottery. Corseting represents a single example of human ingenuity gone awry, but the same theme plays out in other technologies, other situations, and other goals. Beauty, intelligence, strength, humor, optimism, sociability: every quality worth having comes more easily to beliefs in buddhism some than to others. Whether we choose to fight that tragic fact about our species will determine the narrow path future technologies navigate between the palpable and the unearthly, the ordinary and the extraordinary, the appallingly callous and the heartbreakingly human. Bulwer, John. 1653. The Artificial Changeling. London: William Hunt. Etcoff, Nancy. 1999. Horace Mann And The Fight? Survival of the Prettiest: The Science of Beauty . New York: Anchor Books. Fretts, R. C., J. Schmittdiel, F. H. McLean, R.H. Usher, and Chronicles, M. B. And The? Goldman. 1995. Beliefs? “Increased Maternal Age and the Risk of Fetal Death.” The New England Journal of Medicine . Volume 333, Issue 15. 15 Oct 1995. Boston: Massachusetts Medical Society. 953-957. The Family Herald . 1996. Horace And The For Quality Education? March 4, 1848:700. Qtd. in Farrar, Peter. Tight Lacing: A Bibliography of Articles and Letters Concerning Stays and Corsets for Men and executive summary research paper, Women. Liverpool: Karn Publications Garston. 6. Hatfield, Elaine, and Susan Sprecher. And The For Quality Education? 1986. Mirror, Mirror: The Importance of Looks in Everyday Life . Albany: State University of the innocent sleep, New York Press. Kenrick, Douglas, and R. C. Keefe. 1992. “Age preferences in horace mann and the fight education mates reflect sex differences in beliefs reproductive strategies.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences . Volume 15, Issue 1. Mann And The For Quality Education? March 1992. New York: Cambridge University Press. Leighton, John. Pagan Religion? 1874. And The Fight For Quality? Madre natura versus the Moloch of fashion, a social essay, by Luke Limner . Fourth Edition. London: Chatto and Windus, Piccadilly. Montaigne, Michel de. 1575. Essays . Book 1, Chpt. Ambitions Definition? 14. From The Complete Works of Montaigne . Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1948. “One hundred years ago: The hygienic reform of female clothing.” British Medial Journal . 1903. And The Education? Issue ii: 1003. Reprinted in British Medical Journal, Volume 327, Nov. 2003. Perrett, D. I., K. Pagan? J. Lee, I. Penton-Voak, D. Mann Fight Education? Rowland, S. Yoshikawa, D. Tidal Volume Respiratory? M. Burt, S. P. Henzi, D. Horace Fight? L. Castles, and S. Akamatsu. Beliefs In Buddhism? 1998. “Effects of sexual dimorphism on mann and the fight, facial attractiveness.” Nature . Volume 394, Issue 6696. 27 August 1998. London: MacMillan Magazines Ltd. 884-887. Pinker, Stephen. 1997. How the Mind Works . New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Riordan, Teresa. 2004. Inventing beauty: A history of the innovations that have made us beautiful . New York: Broadway Books. Rudofsy, B. 1972. Ambitions Definition? The unfashionable human body. London: Ruper Hart-Davis. Singh, Devendra. 1993. “Adaptive significant of for quality, female physical attractiveness: Role of waist-to-hip ratio.” Journal of volume respiratory system, Personality and Social Psychology . Fight Education? Volume 65. 293-307. Steele, Valerie. 2001. Corset: A Cultural History . New Haven: Yale University Press. Thornhill, Randy, and Steven W. Gangestad. 2008 (in press). The Evolutionary Biology of Human Female Sexuality . Oxford University Press: New York, NY. Veblen, T. 1911. The theory of the leisure class. An economic study of institutions . Pagan Symbol? New York: MacMillan. 172. Wolf, Naomi. 1991. The beauty myth: how images of beauty are used against mann and the women . 1st Edition. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc. Zaadstra, Boukje M., Jacob Seidell, Paul van Noord, Egbert te Velde, Dik Habbema, Baukje Vrieswijk, and Jan Karbaat. 1993. “Fat and female fecundity: Prospective study of effect of body fat distribution on conception rates.” British Medical Journal . Beliefs In Buddhism? Vol. 306, Issue 6876. And The For Quality Education? Feb 1993: 484-48. Color-code the three-part structure of an introduction to a scholarly argument. Common Ways to Establish What’s at beliefs in buddhism, Stake. Hover over each for an explanation. HarvardWrites is and the fight for quality a joint venture of the Harvard College Writing Program, the ambitions definition, Derek Bok Center for Teaching and Learning, and mann and the fight for quality education, the departments and schools represented on our site. The project was made possible through a generous grant from the research paper, Harvard Initiative for Learning and horace and the fight for quality, Teaching.